Untold Facts

The BDR Mutiny of 25-26 February 2009: Lessons for Bangladesh

Mutiny among low paid security personnel like the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) men though rare but had not been without precedence. But most tragically the 25-26 February (09) one that took place in the BDR Headquarter, Pilkhana, Dhaka, has significantly been without precedence for its main target of the young mutineers attack, so far facts are available, were their bosses in hierarchy of all those who came in deputation for few years to serve the BDR higher ranks from the regular armed forces senior cadre of the Bangladesh Army. In the mutiny the first target for killing was the BDR Chief, an army Major General. It was not only that he was killed in brush fire but also his wife and body guard, another army captain, slained with the same ferocity. Could any one take these killings of three, apart from many other senior army officers killed in the mayhem, just for petty demands for better pay and other facilities demanded but not met for some time? It’s difficult to accept the mutiny with such simplistic and straight forward explanation.

As the dead bodies of those killed by the mutineers are being found and unearthed from the sewerage lines flowing down into the river Buriganga close to the Pilkhana, and now scores of other from mass grave near about the in campus hospital, it should be logically reasonable to assume that the operation had been mainly against those officers came on deputation. The pretext, however, was some thing else, as well.

The grievances include lower salaries, no scope for employment to earn large amount of dollars in years in UN employment outside the country, and no scope for top jobs for the direct BDR recruits in the organization. Be these are genuine demands, one fails to understand why they remained unattended for long. Why not the intelligence organizations of Bangladesh including the DGFI failed to bring the grievances brewing there to the notice of appropriate authorities for timely redress?

There is another genuine opinion that the section who for long wished to bring disrepute to the whole army organization of Bangladesh might have taken the opportunity to take advantage of the unrest. The army officers have been having life style distinctly higher than not only of the foot soldiers but also millions of the poor people of the country that conspicuous consumption and extravagant living style may have obviously been a point of jealousy. The question of misbehavior by the top army bosses of the lower ranking Jawans as was known though nothing unusual in Bangladesh’s feudal mindset of the more affluent might have added to the pains of the BDR Jawans. The question however remains that the prices paid in life and blood much exceeded than what had been in all such grievances.

Bangladesh Army received cold shoulder from the very beginning as the party and the leader of the government in early 1970s wished to have more for a militia than a regular army that also was well taken by Bangladesh’s big neighbor for she wished to have a quiet border in the eastern front. For the same end the unconstitutional militia in the style of Rakkhi Bahini had been raised under extreme care, planning and motivational training given by the big shot of the Indian Army Intelligence stalwart General Ovan. Compared to the regular army this militia force was being equipped better than the other constitutional counterpart. The 15th August 1975 revolutionary change did abolish the force and absorbed them into the regular army not liked by the same neighbor for obvious reason. Since then the army has developed into viable institution to effectively fight any external aggression. Along with it the BDR has also been strengthened over the period so much so that the BDR under Major General Fazlur Rahman in late 1990s fought a decisively winning border battle well known as the Padua front fight with the Indian Border Security Force. Since then India was in the look out to avenge the defeat. One may wonder if the same jealousy took the revenge by inciting fratricidal bloodletting on the 25th February in Dhaka.

28th February Anadabazar Patrika of Kolkata had the first page online lead news in red that read, KHOVKE USKEI BIDROHO MODOD ISLAMI SHOKTIR, SANDEHO KARSE: DHAKAO. The Telegraph (daily) of the same location had the same news in content of the Anadabazar in addition to another not less important. In this item on the same day the daily quoted a highly placed source of their own of the Indian Government that it stated to have asked Dhaka to agree to have Special Indian force security guard for the Kolkata-Dhaka two day weekly train service, MOITRY EXPRESS, for replacement of the BDR guard in the train in Bangladesh territory. There might have many other similar gossips around there that in no way would be palatable to Bangladesh. While sympathy in the BDR matter may well be appreciable, the fact remains that any such move in the internal matter of Bangladesh, I am afraid, would not only be unacceptable but also be considered as disgustful rotten design behind the whole make up. Because, there is always some genuine apprehension in Bangladesh that India is hardly trust worthy for her continuing own design of hegemony against all neighbors.

Bangladesh is certainly capable to stand up to the test. An official inquiry committee has already been formed headed by the Home Minister; but that need be reinforced by another high powered independent judicial committee inquiry composed by retired judges of the High Court to separately sort out the issues involved into the whole matter.

Author: Prof. Dr. M.T. Hussain

Democratic Culture and Social Justice Can Ensure Continuity of Democracy

‘GONOTANTRER JONYA SACHETON THAKTE HOBE JATE PISCHAN THEKE ESHE KEW GHAR MATKATE NA PARE’ that sounded in Bengali words into my ears on the February 22nd evening through an audio media in Dhaka. That being the saying from the top executive boss’s mouth for fear of getting neck broken from behind clearly meaning that undemocratic elements might grab State power through unusual means or even illegal back door, that further implied rise of ‘Third Party’ in the political power game of Bangladesh.
The cautionary signal is nothing new as had been time and again sounded by quite a few foreign ambassadors, particularly by the US ones in the early period of the BNP combined government that began to run Bangladesh by winning landslide election victory in October 2001 A.D. One might as well term the recent rhetoric nothing different in tune from the one we used to hear then off and on from corners years ago.
Democracy in Bangladesh remained fragile from the very inception in 1972. Why, that could be a valid query difficult to make straight forward satisfactory reply to. If one could look back a bit carefully and cautiously, one must discover few issues in the matter. The central issues, however, to me, are immature democratic culture, on the one hand, and massive poverty of the millions, on the other.
Democracy, as many take it, is voting in ballot boxes on the polling day, particularly during the national one, and hardly anything beyond. Neither the leaders seeking office in election nor the voters appreciate that democracy is about rights of every citizen, on the one side, and duties incumbent on each and every citizen, on the other, not only during election process but as a continuing day to day activities each day in and out for one’s rights and obligations for respectable and responsible citizen. The continuing process should gradually build up the psyche of every citizen’s high qualities of tolerance, patience, consideration for others’ rights and all legal dues as equal citizens, and access to norms of equality of opportunity.
Equality of citizen in the eye of law and access to equality of opportunity are both complementary and supplementary in the sense that democracy in essence aim to attain through organized social framework and its management operation. Age old feudalism is a hindrance in attainment of social equality. National resource constraint as against huge population of 150 million and so also poverty as in reality in Bangladesh has made additional difficulties for democracy provide fruits effectively at the popular level. Continuity of the colonial administrative set up has added to further hindrance for democracy offer its full benefits to all, particularly, to the most disadvantaged citizens in millions.
The news that new M.P.s had sessions for orientation in the parliamentary process may be appreciable exercises. But I was not happy to know that they had only a sort of ceremonial program in procedural matters of the parliamentary business and nothing of development and operation of democratic processes, institutions and their actual operation as in process in the Western advanced countries. Get to know process is no doubt an important exercise but the background of democracy and parliament as institutions, I happened to know, would be more important than procedural details of the floor of the house.
Let us take the example of the history of the Magna Carta of 1215 A.D. in England, and so also of the Habeas Corpus in legal procedure or due process of law and in upholding the rule of law so far as citizens’ basic human rights are concerned. I am not sure how many of the new M.P.s are fully aware of these basic human rights issues as they closely relate to democratic culture.
Justice to everybody implies not only guaranty of civic rights but also ensuring economic opportunities to work in freedom, earn lawfully and spent for honorable living. Unless and until equity and justice are established there in society for all citizens, liberty, freedom and democratic rights would remain elusive, and so also would remain unrealized fruits of democracy for all people. These issues have to be clear first in the minds and psyche of the leaders at all levels and trickle down into the perception of the common folk that I may like to call a social psychology of democratic culture. Basic education and leaning reinforced by fundamental humane value system, I would presume, would do the real and substantive good in building the congenial social psychology.
Bangladesh is neither a welfare society nor an efficient free market economy. Aberrations are everywhere in social administration. Massive poverty being the main impediment, poverty alleviation must be given priority. But there is no short cut to the poverty alleviation of Bangladesh. Massive development and productivity is the prime need. That means investment in raising quality manpower and generation of huge new employment. These are not easy task to be accomplished in few years with the limited natural and other resources Bangladesh has at her disposal. Exploitation and efficient use of her all available and feasibly usable resources at their optimum are likely options that the people and their public leaders must be able to appreciate. Digesting relevant information and building up of individual awareness would be a necessity at all levels.
Free market economy has benefits so far as full blooming of individual potentialities are concerned; but it has disadvantage for the less able lot unable to keep up in the rat race, disabled and low IQ groups unless organized safety net is efficiently provided for in the socio economic system. Even so, widening inequality in free market operation is a reality in many developing countries including Bangladesh.
The other lacuna in the free market is the absence of ethical and moral values that demand and supply equilibrium alone can not ensure social justice. As a Muslim nation there is scope to bring in and integrate ethics and morality of high order in society at base level, first, through including ethics and morality in school curricula that Bangladesh has lack in general school learning materials along with quality education for all children and youths.
These are some of the tidbits that are sine qua non for effective democratic society and government. Unfortunately, Bangladesh had had little of them, particularly during the initial years. Nowhere democracy had been in operation until the 1975 revolutionary changes took effect following the successful 15th August army coup that followed the 7th November people-army joint uprising. It was really a peculiar and unusual occurrence that the leader/s who spoke volumes about democracy and got saddled in State power having had loud promises for democracy did, in fact, bury all bits of democracy by bringing in lone party BAKSAL dictatorship. Still more curious matter was that the army men who took in November 1975 paved all way for pluralism and democracy in governance of Bangladesh since then now for about continual 34 years. If the process is continued and further refined in years ahead, democracy would have firm grounding. The onus is more on the leaders at various levels to nurture the process that I may wish to call congenial democratic culture taking all along with the development accompanied by openness, fairness firmed up by high ethical and moral standards. If such fairness could be ensured, there would be none to disturb the democratic process; but should that derail as it did in early 1970s (1972 to mid 1975) we may not avert the danger of being caught and get neck broken from behind.

Author: Prof. Dr. M.T. Hussain

THE WHOLE NATION IS PUT TO SHAME BY THE NEO-BKSALITES

I am saddened to hear the news of demise of Mr. Taheruddin Thakur. Innalillahi—–Rraziun!
 
May Allah bless his departed soul and may his soul rest in eternal peace!
 
Mr. Thakur was a brave freedom fighter and a bold journalist who worked tirelessly to shape and move forward Bangladesh. He is an important figure of our national history. Taher Vhai was one of those fearless politicians and freedom fighters that are honest and uncompromising on interpretation of Mujib’s tyranny and one party BAKSAL rule moved him to stake his everything in the August revolution of 1975. Taher Vhai was all prepared to make that supreme sacrifice, as many of us were. We admire his courage and commitment expressed in his eloquent writing. The historic revolutionary speech delivered by President Khondker Mustaque Ahmed in the morning of the revolution on August 15, 1975 was crafted by him. It was a great speech. Mr. Thakur had masterly hand in writing.
 
Taher Vhai deserved a state funeral. He was a freedom fighter and a national leader. Every person irrespective of social stature in life deserves in death a decent burial with religious rites as prescribed by the religion/ faith of the deceased. Denying Namaz-e-Zanaza to Taheruddin Thakur in a designated mosque in his neighborhood in Dhaka is shocking and disturbing. Whatever may be government’s pretense, common sense would suggest government’s deliberate mean hand in it. It was not an act in isolation. A few plain clothed Awami League thugs would not dare to desecrate a venerable dead in a mosque. So far there has been no official reaction from the government, as if a man called Taheruddin Thakur never existed, died or denied a Namaz-e-Zanaza in broad day light in the capital of the country. This is a renewed audacious expression of a revamped fascist political culture of Sheikh-Hasina’s BAL-NEO BAKSAL, and a manifestation of what her government for “Din Bodoler Rajnetee” holds for the nation!
 
Hasina’s vanity or vengeance, whatever may be the reason, denying Taheruddin Thakur a Namaz-e- Zanaza in Dhaka was not unexpected  Such attitude runs deep down in an un-repented, petty and vindictive Hasina. Watching her current trained tamed posture I questioned if it were a deliberate façade or she had matured and mellowed. Now with this incident in place, on going scores of political murders on daily basis across the country and indiscriminate rounding up of people from a section of the citizenry, it appears she remains the same old fascist and sadist, as many of us have closely known, and many have learnt from Rentu’s description in his book, “Amar Fashi Chai”. No one in their right mind would have done what she did to Taheruddin’s dead body. This amply signals that there should remain no doubt that she will seek vengeance to the last. Many bodies, alive or dead, depending on her whim, will fall and suffer the same indignity or worst. Many of us are on the top of that list.
 
Hasina, who parrots and politicizes the significance of liberation war, does not care to understand the true spirit and soul of the liberation movement, as her late father BAL leader Mujib did not. Their after the fact perception and our perception – perception of the genuine freedom fighters- of our great liberation movement differs diversely. In reality, they have no respect for true freedom fighters and the liberation movement. They are afraid of the history of the liberation war – they did not and do not want to know and recognize what actually happened? Why and how they don’t or limitedly fit into that equation? How we, the people transformed? How our expectations during the war grew higher and higher by the day? How idealist we became? How we dreamed the liberation of our people – the war or political independence was not an end in itself; it was only a means to an end -total liberation leading to emancipation and empowerment of our people.   To obliterate that undaunted lofty spirit of the liberation war that we fought, they recast a new die of their version of the liberation war, and relentlessly continue to politicize it to their personal and partisan gains. I must admit that they have done an astute job – the new generations of your age and younger are sold to BAL’s fabricated version of the liberation war and their veiled fascist rhetoric. Their relentlessly naked propaganda has paid them good dividends in our new generations, unfortunate though. They are craftily skillful at propaganda. Even Goebbels’ propagandists would feel diminutive and ashamed before them.
 
Sheikh and his daughter, Hasina were no where near the battle fields were the liberation war was fought. For them it was a mere lottery won zero-sum gambling game that they  quietly enjoyed and watched with intense excitement of veteran gamblers form a safe distance, in the comfort of hospitality of their Pakistani host. While the people fought a bloody war, they excitedly waited to enjoy the power and pomp at an opportune moment. What mattered to Mujib matters to his daughter: personal ambition and power in perpetuity at whatever cost. Like her father, she relies on clique and conspiracy to satisfy her personal whim and ambition faking to represent people’s interest. There are scores of examples to substantiate what they are accused of. As Mujib did not, she too does not understand or fail to recognize that liberation war was all organic, accepting the final decisive acts which shames us. In its start, it was a war of the people, by the people and for the people. The spark that ignited the war came from a spontaneous sudden rebellion by a directionless fearful fleeing population seeking justice, and rights to life and liberty against a surprise mass massacre, continuous injustice, deprivation and oppression. The electoral result, its residual process in place and participating political parties’ action then were mere co-existential, and ancillary to the fallouts of the rebellion.
 
Such interpretations were not tolerated by Mujib and Mujibbadis. Nor his daughter accepts those hard facts. A glaring example of their paranoid politics’ ruthlessness was the indignity that the liberation war time Prime Minister of the government in exile, Mr. Tajuddin Ahmed suffered in his life time in Mujib’s hand. Mujib did not feel secured with Tajuddin Ahmed around. He was afraid of Tajuddin’s branding as a freedom fighter and his liberation war time ideas and deeds. Mujib’s daughter Hasina is no different than her father: she continues to suffer the same fear psychosis and remain apprehensive of the freedom fighters, even in their death. No wonder, painful though for us, she denied an honourable flag wrapped, gun saluted funeral to an honourable freedom fighter, Taheruddin Thakur, a journalist eminent.
 
May Allah’s mercy be on her that she does not suffer the same indignity that she made Taheruddin Thakur suffer, and some forty-thousand Awami League murdered citizens suffered during Mujib’s reign of terror!
 
As a freedom fighter with a heavy heart I convey on behalf of all my comrades in arms our heartfelt condolences to the bereaved family members, friends and well wishers of this valiant freedom fighter and heroic son of the soil.

Lt.Col. S. Haq (Retd) BIRUTTAM
 

General Moin’s Story—Some Comments

Bangladesh army chief General Moin U Ahmed published a book titled “Shantir Swpney: Samayer Smriticharan” recently. I read an abridged version of the book.

One tends to add a little fiction to facts, particularly when it comes to autobiography. General Moin could not be immune to such temptation. However, when fiction overshadows facts, eyebrows do rise.

The army chief must be a saintly person to whom our prophet (PBUH) chose to appear in dream. I understand, according to Hadith, such chosen ones are guaranteed a place in the Heaven. How many, out of over a billion Muslims, are so fortunate! We heard former president Ershad always dreamt of the mosque he would visit the following Friday for Jummah, and a barren Roushan Ershad became pregnant and delivered Shaad at old age.

General Moin has a fixed political orientation. He made more political speeches than the politicians following the 1/11, an offence under military law. He did not make secret of his preference for a major political party and admiration for its supreme leader, at the same time condemning the other in those speeches. As such, in the 2-year run of the Moin backed Care Taker Government, it was his loved leader everywhere, and others were totally eclipsed.

Lot of mystery shrouded the 1/11 that brought in the two-year long emergency rule in Bangladesh. Thanks to the general for sharing his side of the story.

We expect the other star of the 1/11, former president Dr. Iajuddin Ahmed, to do the same, for the sake of clarity. However, I am not so sure if he would do us that favor. He was known to listen to HMB (His Masters’ Voice) more than required. He listened to Hawa Bhaban for 5 years, even perhaps when the BNP relinquished its authority. He listened to the military’s dictation on 1/11 and then after. Even during his 1 month tenure under Sheikh Hasina, he forgot who Ziaur Rahman was?

Well, why blaming poor Iajuddin? The present occupant of the Bangabhaban is no better. His reported Parkinson’s disease seems to get the better of him. According to him, near god Sheikh Mujib’s daughter is the near goddess Sheikh Hasina and she could do no wrong, as such, needed nobody’s advice. He did not know where the mazar of Ziaur Rahman located, and went to lay wreaths at the tombs of lesser mortals instead! So much for the talk of honor and dignity that he was supposed to bring to the highest office of Bangladesh.

Coming to the Shantir Swpney, the skeptics may point out some of the missing elements and glaring discrepancy.

There was no mention of General Rezzaqul Haider Chowdhury who was reportedly appointed as the new army chief; replacing Moin, because of latter’s failure to tame the widespread violence that caused huge damage to life and property prior to 1/11. One can understand the omission.

Subsequent reports did not corroborate General Moin’s assertion that UN was considering to withdraw Bangladesh from the global peace missions, if its army supported the elections on January 22, 2007. The UN Secretary General himself denied of any such move.

The story he described about the events from August 15 to November 7, 1975 leaves much to be desired. However, one may not ignore the fact that he was a newly commissioned 2/Lieutenant at that time. And, according to army parlance, a 2/Lt is to be seen only, not to be heard.

There is not much scope here to discuss the circumstances that led to the coup on August 15, 1975. One needs to walk back in time to the early 70s of Bangladesh, particularly 1974 and 1975, and then evaluate the necessity of the August coup. It would be totally unfair to judge the August coup in today’s context.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was one of the great leaders of Bangladesh. Few could surpass his leadership quality and contribution towards the emancipation of then East Pakistanis for their rights. Yet, I fail to understand why he went and engaged himself in lengthy negotiations with the Pakistanis, following his master speech on March 7, 1971?

Well, that was the Sheikh Mujib before 1971. But, what happened to Bangladesh from 1972 to 1975–the creation of the monstrous Rakkhi Bahini, the man-made famine that killed nearly half a million in 1974/75, the clamping of emergency in 1974, the introduction of one-party dictatorship through BAKSAL in 1975, the 5th, constitutional amendment in 1975 and et all? Can one forget and forgive that? Why people forgot to say Innalillah when they heard of his death?

General Moin asserted that the August coup was done purely on personal grudge by a group of very junior army officers, while the rest of the defense forces were not involved. What then prevented the rest of the forces to act and crush that small group? Why then all the chiefs fell head over heels to present themselves before the new president Khandakar Mushataque Ahmed and publicly announce their support and allegiance to him?

Just for information, when Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf, the army chief of general staff, was told that the tanks that were taken out on the night of the coup did not have the ammunition for their main guns, he immediately sent out a hand written note to issue shells for the cannons. Later, however, when an ambitious Khaled failed to gain any favor from the coup leaders, he started plotting against them.

General Moin said that coup leaders were running the country from Bangabhaban, and that infuriated the senior army officers. Well, as a new born officer in the army, he was not supposed to know or see what had happened around that time. His knowledge must have been acquired from his likeminded peers.

To refresh the memory, the new president formed a cabinet composed entirely of the elected representatives of the Awami League on August 15, 1975. Parliament and constitution were not touched. As far as I know, none of the coup leaders were within miles of power, and Mushtaque was not a character to take dictation from others. There were reports of Farooq and Dalim showing off a little; but that was their personal style and certainly did not mean any disrespect to anybody. Chiefs of defense forces and other senior officers used to visit the Bangabhaban on a regular basis those days. Can anyone of them cite an instance when an August coup officer showed any disrespect to them at any stage? Not that I heard of.

I also learnt that most coup officers left Bangabhaban within a few days and lived with their families and in own residences, who had them.

Also, the August coup officers were not taken out of the country by any outsider aeroplane, as mentioned by General Moin. I understand, under an arrangement between Khaled and Bangabhaban, they were allowed to leave the country temporarily, with an assurance to bring them back as soon as the situation permitted. A Bangladesh Biman aircraft was used.

Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf and some of his over zealous cohorts had some grudge against the August 15 coup leaders. It stemmed from their failure to be part of a spectacular historic event that was instantly hailed and welcomed at home and abroad. It was a kind of frustration of missing the boat. So they decided to do something to outdo the August 15 success. The result of this conspiracy was the devastating countercoup of November 3, 1975.

According to General Moin, he was sent to Bangabhaban to guard Khandakar Mushtaque Ahmed against any suicide attempt. This appears ludicrous. If Mushtaque wanted to commit suicide, how in the world a subaltern could stop it? 2/Lt Moin remained with the confined president almost 24 hours; hopefully not suggesting he accompanied him to bedroom and bathroom too. Our subaltern said he could go to his room to wash and change uniform only. He seemed to have no time to eat, sleep or bathe during those days. What a dedication to duty!

From various events of those days learnt from horses’ mouth, Khandakar Mushtaque did not seem to be a coward at all, as described by our subaltern of the time. Let me tell you what I learnt.

Khaled’s short lived coup was a battle or nerves between his small band of officers in the Dhaka cantonment and the Bangabhaban. Public life was not disturbed much, except that the electronic media was off the air. Khaled wanted Bangabhaban to surrender to his command. Mushtaque, joined by his defense adviser General M A G Osmany, flatly refused. Khaled then extended a carrot, requesting Mushtaque to continue as president while he ran the show. Brigadier Rouf and Colonel Malek went to Bangabhaban with the proposal. Mushtaque coolly replied, “If you want me to remain the president, I will be THE president, not YOUR president”.

Frustrated at the stubbornness of the president, an arrogant Colonel Shafaat Jamil, the Dhaka Brigade Commander, stormed Bangabhaban and tried to obtain Mushataque’s resignation at gun point. Yet, Mushtaque did not budge and was kept confined there, along with Osmany. And, perhaps, our young 2/Lt Moin found himself doing guard duty there.

According to eye witnesses, an outraged Shafaat not only misbehaved with the elderly president and General Osmany but virtually manhandled them.

When Khaled and Co. failed to subdue Mushtaque, they decided to appoint Chief Justice A S M Sayem as the new president on November 6, 1975.

So, why would Mushtaque kill himself? Mushtaque was a devout Muslim, and would certainly not do something that is prohibited in Islam. In any case, if he did, it would have been a windfall gift for Khaled.

Unfortunately for Khaled, his counter coup was not accepted outside his small circle of officers, definitely not by the military at large. It was seen to undo the much heralded August 15 Revolution. Khaled was seen as an agent of Awami League, and by extension India, a fact people could not accept at that time. Arrest of Ziaur Rahman, a war hero and declarer of the independence, did not go well in the military chain of command.

By the night of November 6, troops in the Dhaka cantonment revolted and released General Ziaur Rahman from confinement. Khaled, who was at Bangabhaban at that time, realized that his game was over. He, accompanied by Col Huda, Lt Col Haider and a few bodyguards, fled. They were intercepted and arrested at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar by10 Bengal Regiment, Khaled’s onetime loyal unit, then commanded by Lt Col Nawazish. Upon hearing the news, Zia instructed Nawazish to protect Khaled. But the angry troops killed their prize shortly afterwards.

The troops stationed at Bangabhaban immediately aligned with the sepahi-janata (soldier-civilian) revolution, helped release Mushataque and joined the chanting mass in the caravan. All military officers at Bangabhaban fled. Col Shafaat jumped over the southern wall and broke one of his legs. He was later arrested at a ferry ghat.

Yet, our young and brave 2/Lt singlehandedly continued to fight the popular uprising that night, a repeat of the Charge of the Light Brigade! He must have been pretty well known even as a 2/Lt, because a soldier of the revolution knew that he was commissioned only 10 months ago, so no point killing the poor soul! However, others did not perhaps think so and took him to the back of the Bangabhaban to do the ritual, according to Moin.

It was a mass uprising; the revolutionaries do things up front. Why would they waste time to take a tiny 2/Lt to a remote and lonely area to do the job? And again, why would a Havilder look for him among throngs of people that night?

Major Hafizuddin Ahmed, the former BNP minister and the Brigade Major (BM) to Shafaat Jamil, was a key figure to Khaled’s countercoup. Then Major (later Brigadier) Zubeyer Siddiqui played important role in rescuing Zia on November 6 night and reinstalling his authority at the army chief at 2 Field Regiment Artillery in the Dhaka cantonment. Both these officers are men of very high integrity and can throw more light on the events of November, 1975.

Author: R Chowdhury

1975 and National Dignity of Bangladesh

Befooling the Ignorant

I had an occasion to listen to an interview of a Bengali poet of Bangladesh in a foreign Bengali Service Radio broadcast on the 21st February morning wherein he made a tangent remark that since after the 1975 August Bangladesh has for the first time restored Bangladesh’s dignity. So far as I could comprehend, he meant that Bangladesh had lost all her self dignity in August- November 1975 that has been restored after 35 years through the 29th December 2009 election. Is that so? Or else he was befooling the younger generation who would not know what a roughly undignified period people of Bangladesh had for about three years and a half just before the 15th August 1975.

Peoples’ Expectations

The 1971 independence of Bangladesh came about in high pitch of expectations of the common people suffering from poverty to have access to basic essentials like rice, pulses, edible oils etc. at cheaper prices. The expectations multiplied for many to enjoy after independence pluralism and multiparty democracy, as well, along with social safety and security of lives and properties for all.

Frustrations of the People

Soon after independence, peoples’ expectations went on being shattered day in and day out. Economic hardship began first to bite in rising prices of all daily essentials. Falling incidents of law and order along with forceful grabbing of properties of others labeled as ‘enemies’ became rampant and beyond control of law enforcing agencies. Corruption, smuggling of essential goods from inside the country to big neighboring country, rent seeking, permit selling, looting, etc. all being done by the cadres, workers, and even by some leaders of the ruling party became the normal order having little control by any boss, much less by the top ups. Rampant corruptions at almost every level soon started to bite the macro economy, on the one hand, and falling law and order, on the other. Though many private hoodlum groups having had favor of the top leader and a Para-military force styled as the Rakkhi Bahini went on rampage, torturing and killing many in thousands having no recourse to legal process, the overall situation deteriorated for there had been some underground groups putting up some resistance against the torture process of the government forces, police, Ansar, BDR, Rakhi Banhini, etc.

Tightening (?) of Grip or Hoodwinking the People

Whatever might have been the assessment of the boss, he tightened control over everything first through having a general election in March 1973 that turned out to be a farce through massive vote rigging, and then in late 1974 through promulgating Emergency in the country, and soon followed banning of all political parties except his own one. He, however, smarted to rename his party from Awami League to BAKSAL or Bangladesh Krisak Sramik Awami League on the 25th January 1975. That marked formally the final end of the multi-party democracy people had wished and fought for to have among some other issues in 1971.

Lone Party BAKSAL and the Unenlightened Dictatorship

Along with promulgating the BAKSAL, the leader not only assumed the position of the President of the party for life but also the President of the country initially for seven years until 1983 but keeping no way out for peaceful transfer of power to the next person both for the party and the country. Very curiously, though none in the free world liked the one party mode and rather joined in condemnation, the Indian Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, well known then to be representing the largest democracy, congratulated the Bangladesh leader for on setting one party government and dictatorial rule in Bangladesh.

Cronies kept on Making Illegitimate Fortunes

Behind the facade of the one man one party rule, it was only the cronies who had been reaping the good harvest in individual fortune making at the cost of the of the poor hungry who died in thousands (27,000 deaths–government official figure) due to man made hunger and famine ( See, Nobel Laureate Amarta Sen). The building of the extended family empire though had been firmly in the making.

Worries among People and in the Patriotic Army

Such undemocratic and corrupt mechanics naturally hurt the conscious people hard. Among the patriotic army there had grown by the time enough of grievances, the main one being that the Para-military force under the label of Rakhhi Bahini were being groomed as parallel armed force. These men were being armed with Indian weapons and logistic supports including motivational training from the Indian point of view and outlook that aimed clearly at liquidation of independent Bangladesh in the not too distant future, and so also the regular armed forces of Bangladesh. A lobby inside the country had constantly been hammering to all concerned through various media that there was no need to keep the regular army in Bangladesh as it had no external enemy to fight for the only neighbor is too big to fight, and that there was nothing that peace would not be possible to make with that big and only contesting neighbor. That rightly or wrongly was the psychological make up of the leader Sheikh Mujib as he had suffered at the hands of army men of Pakistan at various points of his life including his confinement and trial for treason for secession of East Pakistan in 1971.

India Launched the Rakhi Bahini for Realizing their Evil Design

The Bangladesh army that was formed formally in 1972 consisted both of fresh recruits in 1971, some Bengali speaking deserted from the Pakistan army in 1971 and some from the native Bengali repatriated from Pakistan in late 1973 after the separation took place in December 1971. They all felt in unison on one point and that was that the army was being relegated to unimportant position towards irrelevance as the Rakhi Bahini was being motivated and armed with Indian weapons in the opposite direction that might end the entity and identity of Bangladesh in favor of reunited greater India or for Ram Raj in Akhanda Bharat.

Indian Hegemony against Bangladesh

Although Bangladesh was known to be an independent country following the 1971 war it happened in reality nothing but a lackey of Delhi by the instrument of the ‘25 years treaty’ with India signed on the 19th March 1972. The clauses 8, 9 and 10 of the notorious treaty bonded Bangladesh into servitude to Delhi so much so that in foreign affairs, military issues even for arms purchase for the national army would not be done except having nod of Delhi masters. That is why not only many Muslim countries but even the Communist China did not recognize Bangladesh as an independent country until the fall from State power the government of the lackey Mujib in the 15th August victorious army coup d’ etat. The treaty terms for subservience of Bangladesh turned ineffective only after this coup.

Low IQ Leader and Uncouth Mujib

Sheikh Mujib as a person had not only been of very low IQ as Huseyn Suhrawardy would at times address him ‘My Illiterate Graduate’ but also out and out a person of poor cultural attitude and of typical rural feudal psyche and so would hardly care for dignity of others. He would even address the army chief Safiullah with feudal Bengali style pejorative term (Tui/Tora) if not in total contempt but many self respecting juniors would hate to accept such address at any ease.

Army Caught Hold of Party Men but could not Indict for Crimes Committed

Once in 1974 the army had been deployed to control smuggling and corruption was soon in about a week or so withdrawn by Safiullah being bitterly bashed by Mujib himself for the army men had arrested those whose 90-95% consisted of the workers, cadres and even some leaders of the same party of the government caught red handed by the army men on duty for all illegal misdeeds in smuggling, corruption, rent seeking etc. Thus the self respecting army men each day passing had accumulated grievances against him, apart from the political issue of killing of democracy, causing economic sufferings of the people and torture modes and viciousness of the unconstitutional Rakkhi Bahini operation.

The Obvious Fall Out of the Corrupt and Inefficient

Lenient view taken for Corruption, inefficiency of the administration, inward looking of the top boss on the one hand and unenlightened dictatorial rule on the other made it only obvious that some mid level army men took it very seriously all on their own to topple the government by overthrowing the top boss from absolute power. That was how the 15th August successful coup d’etat took place followed by internal allegiance by all state organs and external support and recognition for the coup and the subsequent government formed right then by another veteran Awami Leaguer Khondoker Mustaque Ahmad as the President of Bangladesh. China, Saudi Arabia, Yamen Turkey, Iran etc recognized the post 15th August coup Government of Bangladesh that they withhold and refused to recognize so long for over three and a half years since December 1971.

Anti-Nationalist Counter Coups Failed

In between the 15th August and the 7nth November some attempts were made by counter coup putsches that were decisively defeated for good that paved the way for full restoration of multiparty democracy in Bangladesh. Bangladesh is thus proud for the revolutionary changes of August and November 1975. The subsequent adoption of the process of the economic upturn put the derailed rail of economy to the path for coming out of the ignominy of the ‘International Basket Case’.

1975 Revolutions Restored Self-Respect and Dignity of Bangladesh

Thus it was the 1975 revolutionary change that paved the right way to restore dignity of the country that the people had long struggled for to re-establish since the most tragic days of the British take over following the debacle of the Battle of Palassey of 1757 A.D. The revolutionary change of 1975 not only restored plural democracy for dignity of the nation in the free world but also as the proud and dignified Muslim nation that charted the history through ups and downs though for nearly eight hundred years since 1203 A.D. beginning with Ikhtiaruddin Mohammad Bin Bakhtiar Khilijee in our part of the geographical area.

– Prof. M.T. Hussain

International Crimes (Tribunal) Act Remained Void Ab Initio

There is a group claiming that trial of the 1971 ‘war crimes’ could be done by the International Crimes (Tribunal ) Act, 1973 that followed four days after the First Amendment of the Constitution made on the 15th July 1973 and also based on that amendment. I am afraid, not.
First, it is a basic principle of legal jurisprudence that no law can be retrospectively effective. In this case the incidents of 1971 can have no scope to have cognizance by the act passed after about two years in mid 1973.
Second, they are putting in idea of the Cambodian war crimes trial having some backing from the UN that started on the 18th February 2009 of one Khmer Rouge prison commandant of Tuel Sleng, Kaing Guek Eav nick named Duch, who used to claim for execution order on behalf of the top leader Polpot. The distinct and very much crucial difference is that Cambodia remained the same and one country before and after the human rights violations said to have had perpetrated in late 1970s. That the case of Cambodia was only for changing the government or regime change from the toppled Khmer Rouge whose top administrative leader Polpot (already died) had been the key person to order for and execution of victims. The regime change had nothing to do so far as the change of entity of Cambodia was concerned, much less any way was for creation of a different independent country as it happened in case of Bangladesh through secession from the sovereign and independent State of Pakistan as that lawfully stayed until the 16th December1971. Had the country remained one Pakistan as before 1971 and Bangladesh would not have emerged as a different and independent country after December 1971 and that would remain so until now, the successive government or changed regime could put the perpetrators of 1971 to trial as is being done in Cambodia remaining the same country.
Third, the dismemberment of the sovereign and independent State of Pakistan in 1971 through aggression of Indian armed forces actively aided by the Bangladesh Freedom Fighters did resort to no less in similar crimes of human rights violation as the alleged anti-Bangladesh lot did. Furthermore, the pro-Bangladeshi groups had perpetrated the crimes against humanity not only during the period but also even after the formal war ended on the 16th December 1971. These pro-Bangladeshi lots had been given indemnity by the post 1972 Bangladesh government. In the same token of indemnity, the top leader announced in public that he forgave all of the 195 listed war criminals, as well, and so the Pakistani army’s listed 195 were permitted to go without facing any trial whatsoever and so they gracefully went to their own country Pakistan (West ). There was at that time none, not a single person other than those 195 had been listed for war crimes. The issue of war crime was picked up later here in Bangladesh only recently despite the fact that the 1973 tribunal was enacted in mid July, 1973, and curiously since then none had been indicted under the provision of the tribunal, mainly because the 1973 Special Tribunal Act had been void ab initio for being in essence grossly violating the basic human rights, apart from many other internal and external issues of serious concern for the then government that forced them not to go for any trial under the Act, and that still now exists for which the original 195 are in all likely would remain untouched and outside the proposed trial to take on in 2009 in Dhaka. The small fries here would thus be made escape goats while the big fries would remain untouched that in itself would be nothing but abuse of justice, if not miscarriage of justice
Fourth, so far as the constitution of the International Crimes (Tribunal) Act was concerned, it violated basic fundamental rights of citizens provided in the Bangladesh Constitution so much so that even the right of appeal in the Supreme Court for fair trial and justice had been denied that clearly went against basic human rights the UN is committed to uphold. That is why the Bangladesh retired Chief Justice Habibur Rahman in a meeting held on the 23 March 2008 in Dhaka stated in unambiguous term that no fair trial would be feasible under the Act unless it would be amended in consultation with neutral international jurists.
Fifth, should anyone now pick up the issue of 1971 in terms of de jure legitimacy of Bangladesh in 2009, it should be quite logical to put the question open that those who acted with full knowledge for dismemberment of Pakistan having no mandate of the people in the question of secession might be a valid point to turn the table upside down. In fact, that fear of the post 1972 Bangladesh charismatic leader rightly intended to finish up the sad business saying ‘let’s forgive and forget’.

–Dr. M.T. Hussain

Language Movement - Reminiscence

I was the tiny de facto secretary of Walipur Primary School in Chandpur, set up by my maternal grandfather. Actually, my maternal uncle was the secretary, but he mostly remained away at his workplace in Chandpur. So I was responsible for most small school errands, such as, keeping custody of the office-cum-library key; school bell, a full moon shaped flat heavy item made of steel etc. I was also to ensure that classrooms were not misused by cattle or farm products during off hours. Everybody cared me.

I recall an event at the school when I was in class 2 or 3. I don’t remember the date, but I now understand it was around 1952.

A heated argument was going on between two groups of teachers. The Headmaster and senior teachers were insisting on holding the classes as usual, but the younger group led by Abdus Sattar ‘sir’ would not allow that. Sattar ‘sir’ was additionally responsible for sports and cultural maters, thus popular among students. We obviously sided with Sattar ‘sir’, without even understanding what the subject of debate was. Our main interest was not to have classes.

Within a short time, some outsiders joined the debate. Finally, Sattar ‘sir’ won. But, he wouldn’t let us go. He made us stand in a long line and gave each a stick of jute straw (Pat-Khari). On top of the long stick was a triangular black flag. Sattar ‘sir’ had them ready beforehand. He then stood in front of the line and putting a tin funnel on his mouth, cried loudly, while we responded equally loudly as told:

“Matri Bhasa (Mother Tongue)”——————-“Bangla Chai (Demanding Bengali)”

“Amader Bhasa (Our Language)”——————-“Bangla Bhasa (Bengali Language)”

“Nurul Aminer (Nurul Amin’s)”——————–“Rakta Chai (Want Blood)”

“Salam, Barkat, Rafiq”——————————–“Zindabad (Long Live)”

Never did I know then who Salam, Barkat, Rafiq were. Never had I heard of Nurul Amin, and understood why we were seeking his blood. I was rather wondering why we were demanding Bengali as our language when that was the tongue we already had. Nonetheless, we were enjoying and having fun.

We continued our loud slogans and made a few rounds of the school compound. Then we proceeded to make rounds of the Walipur village. As we went on, the procession snowballed, gathering villagers on the way. The group that started with some 100 small primary school children, ended up with a crowd of nearly 500 people.

By noontime, we returned to school compound. Sattar ‘sir’ gave a short speech before the crowd. He appeared terribly angry and agitated. Could not understand what he said, but the public seemed to like it. They made lot of noise and cheered him.

By that time we became tired and started thinning out. I cannot remember much anything afterwards.

Today, when I recall the events of that day, I think of Abdus Sattar ‘sir’, his youthful exuberance, his enthusiasm and love for the Bengali culture.

Now I know who Nurul Amin was, I also know who threateningly said, “…….. Urdu, only Urdu shall be the national language of Pakistan……”

Today, I understand why Salam, Barkat, Rafiq and many others had to give their lives. From the stream of their blood, generated the Bengali spirit, and an awakening that inspired the Bengalis to fight for their independence and win victory in 1971.

While reminiscing the day, I also visualized two things. Firstly, the Language Movement of 1952 was not confined to the streets in Dhaka. It was spread and felt across the nation, to the remote areas and villages like Walipur. And, there were many Sattar ‘sirs’ who made their humble contributions to the movement.

Secondly, a small boy of 7/8 made his mark in the Language Movement, even though he was oblivious of the significance of the day.

Rashed Chowdhury
San Jose, CA
USA

Corruption White Paper by Awami League Government in 2009

To me, it was a good news that the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina herself announced in the floor of the parliament on the 11th February that her government would soon publish a white paper about corruption for public knowledge. But there was a lacuna in that she would include in the proposed white paper only corruptions made during the period of seven years involving the past two governments one of the BNP led for five years 2002 to 2006 and of the Fakhrudin led subsequent Caretaker Government ending 2008. She would be logical and also magnanimous if she would include her period of Prime Minister of Bangladesh from June 1996-July 2001.

It is no denying the fact that corruption by powerful ones except very few in the social fabric are nothing uncommon in Bangladesh. It is also true that corruption is a trend of human nature in natural instinct and a common vice in continuing evil process as evils are integral to human psychological make up. But at the same human entity there is also soul and spirit that tend to build distance and control evils in the same body and mind. Spirit according to religious philosophers is originated in the Great Creator that is also termed as conscience instilled in each and every human being. However, conscience is not developed automatically in each and every soul but remains latent or dormant that if nurtured positively and favorably would be active in times of need. That is why training and educating not only of body but also of mind is a necessity, no matter that training and education would be given informally as in family or formally in schools.

Corruption of any nature originates in mind and psyche and manifests in body actions. Though corruption is a personal matter that originates in one’s mind and manifested in body actions, it is with power of wealth and position that corruption is very akin to. That is why there is a valid saying that ‘Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely’.

Corruption is also a matter of unmet want and poverty on the one hand and human greed of feeble mind, on the other.

Bangladesh is a country of extreme poverty of millions of people characterized by massive unemployment or lack of legal source of income for their bare minimum everyday living. Regularly paid jobs are rare commodities, not to speak about good salaried permanent or life time jobs. Such jobs are few and far between chased by multiple candidates for only many scores to get lost and frustrated in the race.

Political party cadres flock in from the drop outs of schools and frustrated thousands of various genre, if not millions, some may be for ideological reasons but many other for possible gainful incomes being cadres of and if by chance holding on to scopes to become close to power holders for securing some form of income and paid jobs. That is how I knew the tradition built up in Bangladesh for the last decades. Thus corruption became endemic to political party syndrome, not necessarily among top leaders but many others both in the rank and file and at workers level. The tender business is a well known area for such as we have been having authentic information almost everyday at various locations from the lowest Upazila levels to the metropolitan city centre in Dhaka now becoming rampant as soon as this government took on to power in Dhaka. Some have been making the point that during the BNP led rule similar scenario had been in vogue and that the defeated lot have been replaced and taken over by the new victorious goons in their old places.

The situation reminded me the old days in early 1970s. The then charismatic leader asked the police to curb all corruptions including stopping of smuggling along the border to India to save the economy of Bangladesh. At one point he employed the army, as well, to have more effective result in containing smuggling, a lucrative underworld business for quick get rich income. As usual with the harshness of the army operation, many had been caught red handed and handed over to police for filing cases. The number of such arrested smugglers and quick money earners swelled in a few days. The news naturally reached not only to the top boss in Dhaka but also pressure built up to have mercy for those corrupt and smugglers who happened to be his own party cadres, workers and even some leaders. The top boss called and asked his army chief to stop army operation for he stated to have remarked, ‘ODER SHOBAIKE ATOK KARLE AMI DAL CHALABO KEMON KARE’ (How shall I run the party if they all would be arrested for smuggling and corruption)! That was the end of the operation for containing evils of smuggling and also corruptions.

Corruptions during that period took various forms and shapes, such as rent seeking through bullying of innocent traders and big officers by the cadres, snatching tenders from professional contractors for getting percentage of profits in advance in various public and semi-autonomous organizations, etc. In addition, securing huge ransom money from parties in the fearful scenario of ‘patriots’ and Pakistani collaborators had been common scenes of corruption and intimidation of simple and innocent citizens. On top of all these, armed hoodlums led by the leader’s own son Kamal, nephew Moni and notorious SP Mahbub, to name some for instance, created a hell of vicious fear and also corruption scenario of the crudest form in the country. One could go on listing the vicious syndrome that had root in the post Bangladesh independence period. The viciousness had its welcome end through the 15th August 1975 change. For some years people had a better time so far as corruption was concerned. Ershad’s period during 1982 to 1990 and again the Hasina’s period of 1996-2001 reappeared the 1972 -75 scenario so much so that the TI (Transparency International) estimated corruption figure of 17,000 Crore Taka alone in the year 2000 during Hasina’s latter part of rule of Bangladesh. The figure is not only on record but also recorded that the P.M. herself rebuked in the parliament for 27 minutes the TI Chairman Professor Muzaffor Ahmad for his giving the figure and ranking Bangladesh the ‘most corrupt’ country in the world. Though the ranking continued to be in that position during the initial three years (2003, 2004 and 2005) of the BNP led subsequent government (2002-2006), the figure in absolute term reduced to Taka 400 Crore in 2005. If the TI’s figures are of any credible value that many believe to be so, it would only be fitting that the P.M. Hasina should go for listing facts in the matter of her own period, as well.

Fakhruddin’s two year term Caretaker Government filed enormous cases of corruptions against stalwarts of both the main parties. In fact, Sheikh Hasina had 15 as against Khaleda only four. Had there been any substance in these cases, all should be open to the public for scrutiny in the proposed white paper.

Although it is nice to hear from the horse’s mouth that she would make public in a white paper the corruption of the BNP led government and of the Caretaker Dr. Fakhruddin, the exercise would certainly be more credible to the public if she would do it for her 1996-2001 term, as well, if not of the earlier period. Even so, older people who knew of corruption issues of early 1970s marked by words like KOMBOL CHOR, RELIEF CHOR, CHORER KHONI etc. and of the interesting facts of the period during mid 1950s in cases even involving the famous leader of Bangladesh.

I personally recall that the then Minister in charge of the Anti-Corruption in East Pakistan and father of Sheikh Hasina once in 1955 in a public meeting in the Paltan Maidan declared openly his crusade against the vice and asked all in his loud rhetoric that sounds in my years even today to let him know of any fact of corruption through writing on and mailing the message in a postcard of three paisa (Post Card would cost three paisa at that time). A senior citizen friend of mine Mr. A Rahim Chowdhury (Sylhet) and a class mate of the leader at the Islamia College (Now Azad College in Kolkata) in early 1940s told me later on that whoever had taken to mailing such post card had instead had bad times, not any redress of the corruptions concerned. I recall, as well, one of my relations and a DSP in late 1960s working as special IO in the corruption cases against the same person and also Barrister H.S.Suhrawardy, Senior Advocate A Salam Khan etc. working hard as defense lawyers in the court to get him saved from the corruption cases, in all possibly 14 in number, one less than Sheikh Hasina’s 15 as we knew until late 2008!

Prof. M.T. Hussain

Abuse of Leader’s Charisma for Vengeance by Sycophants

There are many news items in the media and in the air, as well, about serious abuse of charisma of the current top power-holding political leader and also of the previous one of the same party for vengeance. It is all likely that promoters of the sort of evil activities are nothing but taking recourse to pure sycophancy that is nothing uncommon in Bangladesh’s political culture. Such sycophancy as has always been harmful in the end not that much for the sycophants themselves for they are motivated by to secure very narrow end but for the greater good of the leaders’ concerned.
A renowned and famous founder Head Master of a renowned high school in the city of Dhaka has been given ‘forced leave’, his family already driven out from the school provided residence in the campus for his ‘fault’ and ‘audacity’ first, contesting in the 29 December parliament election in the Bagerhat constituency against one of the charismatic leader and now the top boss of the country. His other ‘crime’ and ‘disobedience’ was that he had not met some requests out of 408 by the local M.P. of the party for admission of some candidates possibly ineligible or otherwise not feasible to accommodate into the school. These are the reports I came to know from printed media in Dhaka during the last few days.
I had another report from a very reliable end that some disgruntled mini leaders of a powerful professional association have resorted to sycophancy of some party bosses to capture position in the top hierarchy of the group providing the plea or ‘argument’ that the existing bosses though duly elected in their own constitutional way on about two months ago be thrown out of their positions for they were labeled as supporters of the ‘opposition’ political group and so in their place the sycophants be saddled.
These are not all. The ‘Tender Businesses’ that had been on previously in the same notorious mode have once again resurfaced in the same style and identity of sycophancy.
Sycophants look for opportunities to come closer to the charismatic leader, and look for scopes to exploit leader’s weaknesses. After all, any human being is not without weakness, one form or the other.
It is as such the leaders in question who need to be on guard though not an easy job to do of any abuse of one’s charisma by any sycophant, the leader’s difficulty being public personality.
The leader, I tend to believe, has to get rid of such notorious sycophants by judiciously applying as deterrent one’s knowledge of issues in depth, personal wit and intuition.

- Prof. M.T. Hussain

Sheikh Hasina’s Image Refurbishing in the Middle East!

It is known from press reports that the Bangladesh Government of Sheikh Hasina has gone on to use the services of former President Ershad to refurbish its image in the Middle East or in the Muslim countries of international importance.

There is nothing unexpected in the move for two main reasons. One that Ershad has got, rightly or wrongly, some acceptable image in the Muslim countries, and two, the Awami League as a political party and also as the Government of Bangladesh enjoy very poor image there for historical reasons.
Let us believe the news as Ershad, otherwise, a contestant for the Presidency, but of late frustrated in the scheme as the party Octogenarian Zillur Rahman now all set to take up the Presidency as of today, Ershad would only eagerly be pleased to have the position of Special Envoy to the Middle East for the Awami League now saddled in the power of the government in Dhaka. May be, he could serve some purpose in the mission as the ‘older brother of Sheikh Hasina’ just as he assumed himself as we heard from his mouth in verbatim immediately before the 2008 December election just as the ‘marriage of convenience’.

To me, however, the poor image issue of the Awami League and also of its now powerful leader Sheikh Hasina in the Middle Eastern Muslim countries lies in issues of complicated nature. The problem has been brewing since the beginning in 1970s. That is why when the founding leader of Bangladesh had been alive and in the most powerful saddle of power in Dhaka, he had received very cool shoulder. In 1974 I came across a news item with photographs published in a London ( I used to live in London) news paper wherein, Dr Kamal Hossain, the Law Minister of Bangladesh, being sent to Riadh as the Special Envoy seeking to have formal recognition of the country was not accepted kindly by the King Faisal of Saudi Arabia. Soon after another close friend of the Bangladesh leader but of opposite political camp having had close private acquaintance with the Saudi King, when met the King all on his own initiative in December 1974, as he later on told me in London, that he King unfortunately showed him the same cold shoulder.

However, Saudi Arabia and so also of some other countries even including the communist country China abandoned their earlier stance for Bangladesh in the post mid August 1975 changed political scenario, recognized Bangladesh as an independent country, established diplomatic relation, offered huge money for infra- structure building, etc. The post 1975 governments led by Zia, Ershad and Khaleda continued to receive the favor. During 1996-2001, there had been once again a sort of cold shouldering, particularly when Sheikh Hasina as the Prime Minster of the country clearly appeared completely bent on hanging to death as ordinary ‘murderers’ the otherwise welcome heroes of the victorious 15th August 1975 coup, albeit, through a facade of trial, but in that the due process had been engineered and so the death sentence given to twelve of the ‘accused’ turned to be a clear miscarriage of justice.

At about the end of her five years of term in office of Prime Minister when Hasina was about to set to hang the 12 ‘accused’ for ‘murder’ of her father, a special envoy suddenly dashed to Dhaka that was taken by many here in Dhaka as from the Saudi end to impress on Dhaka that the 15th August 1975 ‘accused’ be given some favor and not hanged to death. As the case went for appeal hearing at the Supreme Court, and Hasina’s party faced a crushing defeat in the 2001 October election, the conviction remained pending subject to appeal hearing since then.

Now it is known from press reports that the government of Hasina becoming P.M. for the second term has taken prompt attempt to finally dispose off the case pending at the Supreme Court. It is only reasonable to assume that had she been bent upon her previous frame of mind in vengeance, she might be eager to hang to death the 12 ‘accused’ of the 15th August coup. And if she does so, it is not only the Saudis, I am sure, some other Muslim countries, as well, would not relish the matter at ease.

The razzmatazz for trial of the 1971 ‘war criminals’ now on since the government took in and the 9th parliament took unanimous decision on the issue, there is all likely that many Muslim countries and members of the OIC would take exceptions in the matter, and further affect adversely Sheikh Hasina’s image and her Awami League Government of Bangladesh.

The likely appointment of Ershad at this time to the Middle East as special envoy could be a signal for Hasina’s worry in the matter not only about the fate and the fall out of the 15th August 1975 issue but also in matters of annulment of the 5th Amendment of the Constitution so far as it would matter revival of the ‘secularism’ of the 1972 Constitution that had as well been unacceptable to the Saudis, in particular, in early 1970s for withholding their formal recognition. Whether Ershad could be of any use to refurbish the image of Sheikh Hasina in complicacies of the issues mentioned above unless and until her actions in these matters, for instance, would not fit in their own frame work of belief and be acceptable to them.

Ershad may be quite happy to have the job at his age in early eighty but success in the mission would depend not on Ershad’s past image in the Muslim countries but on Hasina’s own, God willing, change of frame of mind from vengeance to magnanimity and broader outlook in all these matters.

Sheikh Hasina can well improve her image, I tend to believe, through taking expedient positive actions and attitudes of broadness in the greater interest of the nation in issues like the few mentioned above and not by any third person as Ershad would be whatever his past image could have been in the Muslim countries and in the Middle East.

– Dr. M.T. Hussain