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23 March 1940: Looking Back from Bangladesh in 2009

Nearly seven decades ago, a history was made in then British Indian empire. The All India Muslim League made it. The venue was the historic city of Lahore. On the day, 23rd March 1940, the League had a grand convention of representatives, delegates and enthusiasts assembled there to chart out the future of the Muslims of India along with the future independence of India from the British colonial rule then nearly 177 years running. The main heroes of the convention happened to be Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the President of the League who presided over the session followed by A.K Fazlul Haq being the fortunate one to present in the convention the historic resolution that made another history in the making that not only for Pakistan but also for Bangladesh had their genesis of foundation.

A relevant background of the convention may not be out of place to mention. 1935 Indian Administration Act of the British rulers opened further opportunity for self-rule of India. The self-rule provided for people’s elected representative to take on to the administration. The first general election that followed the Act in early 1937 produced results in eleven provinces in such a way that only Bengal could have formed the Muslim League (then 31 years in existence) Ministry headed by A.K. Fazlul Haq, the popular Bengal leader, crowned in Lahore some time back as the Shere Bangal or the Tiger of Bengal, in Bengali version, Sher E Bangla. Three provinces had coalition ministry of conglomerates but in seven other provinces the ministries had been purely of the Congress, then over 50 years in existence and dominated by caste ridden and ‘high born’ Hindus.

In these seven provinces, unfortunately for the Muslims, the ministries started to put up action programs that in fact turned to be aggressively Hindu communal against the beliefs, values and practices of the minority Muslims extending even in school class rooms forcing the Muslim boys and girls against their free will to bow down to certain portraits, singing Bande Mataram, etc as these amounted to somewhat polytheism and against Islamic monotheist belief. The Muslims naturally reacted and protested against Hindu communalism at state level dealings. But they cared little that obviously made the Muslims to think more independently about their future political status in the Indian sub continent should the British leave giving independence to the Indian empire. The Congress took the opportunity to have the Hindu dream of AKHANDA BHARAT or reunited India under their control leaving the Muslims as a ‘permanent minority’ in post British independent India.

Having the vicious Hindu communal scenario (See, Shila Sen, 1973 and Joya Chatterjee, 1993/2003) all around, the All India Muslim League convened on the day a grand convention in Lahore that was attended by leaders of the Muslim League and their supporters from all over the country. It thus turned out to be a decisive moment to chart out programs for future action for dignified survival of all Muslims in the sea of caste ridden Hindu communalism. Thus in midst of high expectations, the two-day convention at the concluding session on the 24th March passed a unanimous resolution presented by Bengal Premier A K Fazlul Haq that read as follows:

‘It is the considered view of this Session of the All India Muslim League that no constitutional plan would be workable in this country or acceptable to the Muslims unless it is designed on the following basic principles, viz. that geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions which should be so constituted, such territorial readjustments as may be necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are a majority, as in the north-western and eastern zones of India, should be grouped to constitute ‘Independent States’ in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign’ ( S.S. Husain, 1995, P.218, quoted from Pirzada).

If one may look at the geographical position in 2009 of the three countries Bangladesh, Pakistan and India, one must not miss the pertinent point that they are in fact what the Lahore Resolution had resolved to attain in the post British period. However, there had been detours in between 1940 to 1947 and then again in 1971.

The detour of the 1947 could have been averted provided the 1940 Resolution would have been fully implemented. The harsh fate of the people and particularly of the populously Muslim provinces like Bengal and Punjab made the detour obvious and non-implementation of the Lahore Resolution in full. Who’s to blame is a matter of debate still bangs on our ears, but the fact remained that on insistence of the Congress both these populous provinces faced certain partition (See, H.V. Hodson, The Great Divide, 1968). That plan for partition ahead of independence of the two provinces ditched particularly East Bengal in danger having no possible viability as an independent country surrounded by hostile neighbor from all sides in the immediately pre1947 perception of the leaders of the Muslim League.

Having the drastically changed political scenario of imminent partition of the two provinces on religious communal divide, the leaders soon after the provincial general election of 1946 convened another session of all the Muslim legislators of all provinces to meet in Delhi on the 9th April 1946. In this crucial historic session, the legislators took another decision somewhat revising the 1940 Resolution abandoning the term ‘Independent States’ that meant clearly not for two Muslim majority countries but one independent Pakistan. In fact, the 1946 election campaign was absolutely and clearly marked by the slogan for Pakistan, and one Pakistan.

The resolution adopted in Delhi on the 9th April, 1946, is a very long one that everything stated there may not be relevant in this item. What is most relevant, as I see, read as follows:

‘That the zones comprising Bengal and Assam in the North East and the Punjab, the North West Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan in the North West of India, namely the Pakistan zones, where the Muslims are a dominant majority, be constituted into one sovereign independent state and that an unequivocal undertaking be given to implement the establishment of Pakistan without delay’ (S.S. Husain, 1995, P.222, quoted from MHR Talukder, 1987).

The resolution so adopted had no lack of clarity whatsoever and was in response only to the popular will and demand of the Muslims who feared to suffer in future as they had suffered in the past in the joint evil hands of the British and their local henchmen so much so that the Muslim in utter desperation demanded the united and powerful one Pakistan. One typical slogan for the commoners had been ‘HAT ME BIRI MU MEN PAN LARKE LEGE PAKISTAN’, ‘Holding in hand biri or a local brand cigarette and in chewing in mouth pan or a sort of local variety of betel leaf with cracked local nut mixed with locally made calcium carbonate, we fight for establishing Pakistan’. The leaders as such at the end of the 1946 provincial election had no scope to go for two Muslim majority states but to demand and establish one and only one united Pakistan and so hopefully for a powerful country to face up to the bigger Hindu India.

Later on, some claims were heard that one leader from Bengal protested the revision of the Lahore Resolution in Delhi session presented this time by the other sitting Premier of Bengal once again, Husseyn Shahid Sohrawardy, but as evidence suggested, the opposition voice was so feeble that that was lost in overwhelming majority roaring sound.

The Lahore resolution conformed to the reality in 1940 and then again the 1946 one as well responded appropriately meeting the latter political development and situation created mainly by the Congress. That is how one Pakistan was founded in mid August 1947.

The vulnerable and fragile condition Pakistan started its journey in 1947 (See, Brainbatti, 1963) naturally had little optimism for survival. Even so, the united country survived for 23 years but failed at the end of about two decades to hold on together; thus the British East Bengal/ East Pakistan broke away from the federation taking identity as independent Bangladesh. Many explained the post 1971 Bangladesh as the practical realization of the Lahore Resolution of 1940. This explanation holds well as long as it meets the spirit of the same resolution, but not if the spirit of Muslim nationhood is lost.

Unfortunately, there is a group here in Bangladesh who condemns the partition of 1947 and yet wishes to rationalize sovereign Bangladesh. Are they right in reason or wonders in fallacy? Had there been no partition in 1947, it would remain one India in the region that the British and the Congress seriously pursued for to the end. Had they succeeded and the Muslim League failed in 1947 could there be any land called independent sovereign Bangladesh in 1971? Not, at all.

It is thus only logical that to be patriotic Bangladeshi one must accept the rationale of one Pakistan of 1947 that formed the genesis of independent Bangladesh. Thus it can be stated in conclusion that to be a patriotic Bangladeshi believing in its perpetual dignified existence, there is no scope to deny the rationality of the 1940 Lahore Resolution. That is the proud heritage of both Bangladesh and Pakistan.

Author: M.T. Hussain

20 March 2009

(This article is dedicated to the memory of my wife in heaven, we got married on this day 50 years ago, bore many pains for my poor attention to her and yet had and brought up five children to maturity and good education to rewarding profession, but unfortunately for me she passed away ten years ago on the 15th March 1999).

Posted by admin on March 21, 2009 under South Asia

Road to March 1971: Birth Pangs of a Nation

March 1971 carry a special significance for Bangladeshis. This eventful month saw the culmination of Bengalis’ movement for self-realization and independence. It also saw the Pakistan’s heinous military crackdown on the unarmed Bengalis of then East Pakistan with far reaching consequences.

Background

After the Awami League, under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, swept to victory in the elections in October 1970, it was the general feeling amongst the East Pakistanis that they would see an end to the 23-year long domination of West Pakistanis. I was in the western part of Pakistan then and had an opportunity to observe a feeling of frustration among the Punjabis that their days of bullying over the Bengalis were coming to an end. A few of them seemed to have accepted it as a fiet accompli. However, the hawkish political and military leaders found it difficult to digest. They started hatching conspiracies to maintain their absolute command and authority.

I believed President General Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan was not involved in the conspiracy, at least in the beginning. I felt he genuinely wanted Pakistan to return to a civilian rule. Perhaps, his only desire was to continue as the president under the new administration. I tend to give him some positive marks for the following:

He disbanded the one-unit of West Pakistan and restored the provinces of Punjab, Sind, Baluchistan and North West Frontier Province (NWFP). That made East Pakistan the largest province, thus ending the parity formula of former president Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan.

Yahya introduced the adult franchise, the one man one vote system. That gave East Pakistan 162 parliamentary seats to West’s 138, basing on population, from the previous 150:150 parity. The system made possible for the Awami League to be the majority party in the parliament (that never materialized).

During his two-year tenure, Yahya increased the induction of Bengalis into the military and administration. He ordered suspension of recruitment of soldiers in West Pakistan while accelerating the same in East Pakistan. Bengali cadet intakes in the academies also increased. In the 50s and mid 60s, Bengali cadets were 5% or less. The number rose to almost 30% in 1971. Similar perhaps was the statistics in the civil services.

6-Point Program

Since elections, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had been forcefully advocating that he won a mandate on his 6-Point formula and would amend the Pakistani constitution accordingly. He administered a terse oath to all the 417 elected Awami representatives of the central and provincial assemblies to the effect that they would not betray the 6 Points. West Pakistani leaders, on the other hand, perceived the 6 Point as an obvious move for the eastern wing to secede. They also suspected that Pakistan’s arch enemy India had a hand in it, more so because of Sheikh Mujib’s cozy connections with Indian leadership.

Though Awami League won absolute majority in the elections, it failed to win any seat in the western wing. On the other hand, Pakistan Peoples’ Party of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto secured 82 National Assembly seats but none in East Pakistan. That gave the two major parties totally regional portrayals, rather than all Pakistan based, and put them at political loggerheads.

For Yahya, the problem was how to bring the two major bickering political forces together to a common ground. He had been urging both Mujib and Bhutto to meet and come to an understanding. Mujib insisted he was the majority leader, so that the president should listen to him, while Bhutto contended he was the absolute leader in the western wing and could not be ignored.

Yahya met Mujib in Dhaka on January 13, but could not reach an understanding as the latter remained adamant on his 6 Points. The president cautioned Mujib that people in the western part might find it difficult to go along with his formula. He also pointed out that as the future leader of Pakistan, he would represent the whole Pakistan and needed to care everybody’s opinion and feelings, and not just that of East Pakistanis. Mujib responded that he would manage, but the generals remained unconvinced.

Yahya left Dhaka the next day empty handed. To the questions of the journalists at the airport before his Departure for Karachi, a somewhat unhappy Yahya responded, “Go and ask these questions to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He is the next Prime Minister.” Bhutto could not take this remark lightly. He thought the president reached an understanding with Mujib without him; so he started planning his game.

Larkana Conspiracy: the Birth of Operation Search Light

Upon arrival at Karachi, Yahya accepted Bhutto’s invitation for a duck shooting at Larkana. Army Chief of Staff General M A Hamid was also called in to join the team. Bhutto entertained his guests lavishly. There at Bhutto’s lush palace, through the ‘Larkana Conspiracy’, the blueprint of Operation Search Light was taking shape. While the homework was being done by Bhutto and the top generals, the president mostly remained busy with what he liked the most—the two ‘W’s. Then on, the president was said to be reduced to a signatory or front man only, the real authority rested on the military junta headed by Hamid and General S G M Peerzada, chief of the general staff to the president and a close friend of Bhutto.

On January 26, Bhutto came to Dhaka to explore possibility of a compromise. He, too, found Mujib pretty rigid on his 6 Points and left Dhaka the next day. The Larkana conspiracy gained momentum and Bhutto maintained his contact with the president and the junta, mostly through his pal Peerzada.

On February 13, President Yahya announced that the first session of the parliament would sit in Dhaka on March 3, 1971. Bhutto refused to go to Dhaka ‘just to endorse the 6 Points’ and threatened to ‘break legs’ of other West Pakistani parliamentarians who would dare to go to Dhaka.

On March 1, it was announced that the National Assembly session was postponed, without giving any fresh date. Dhaka reacted violently. Clashes between the military and Bengalis erupted everywhere with loss of lives. The non-Benglali Beharis sided with the military, so they faced the wrath of the local Bengalis too.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called for a total non-cooperation with the Pakistanis and became the de facto ruler of East Pakistan. He issued orders to run the administration on a day to day basis. He also called for a mammoth rally at Suhrawardy Uddan on March 7. Radical leaders and student activists pressed Mujib to make the unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) on March 7, but he was hesitant to do so, considering its various implications. However, couple of significant developments took place in the meantime.

On March 6, president Yahya had a telephone conversation with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Yahya reportedly asked Mujib not to do anything from where ‘there would be no return’. As an olive branch to the Bengalis, he announced that the parliament would sit in Dhaka on March 25, 1971. The same evening, Mujib had a meeting with his AL high command. Demand for UDI was prominent.

In the midnight on March 6, Mujib sent two personal emissaries to Dhaka GOC Major General Khadim Hussain Raja with a message that he was under tremendous pressure from the extremist elements to make the UDI. He was in a dilemma– he was doomed if he did, he would be doomed if he didn’t. So let the military arrest him. General Khadim did not buy the idea. Arresting Mujib at that juncture would be the worst thing to do; it would make him a martyr. He responded that as a politician Mujib should be able to handle the situation. He also threatened he would do his duty as a military commander if there was any UDI. (Ref: Witness to Surrender by Siddiq Salik)

On March 7 morning, the US ambassador Joseph Farland warned Mujib not to count on the US if he made any declaration of independence.

The Master Speech

The 17-minute speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at the Suhrawardy Uddan on March 7, 1971 was his masterpiece. He did not make any UDI; rather put forward 4 demands to the authorities: lifting of martial law, military’s return to barracks, enquiry into the civilians’ killings and immediate transfer of power to the elected representatives. Then watching a kind of impatience and disapproval among the stick wielding crowd, he finally thundered with the magic words: “Ebarer sangram muktir sangram, ebarer sangram swadhinatar sangram….Tumra ghare ghare durga gore tolo. Rokto jakhan diyechi, proyjoney aaro rokto debo. Ei desher manushke mukto korey charbo insha-allah. (This time our struggle is for our emancipation, our freedom. Make a fortress of your house. We have given blood before and will give more, if needed, yet I will liberate our people, Allah willing.)” He left the podium immediately without talking to anyone. The crowd dispersed, somewhat disappointed.

Independence Declaration Controversy

Sheikh Mujb’s followers and Awami leaders maintain that Mujib’s March 7 speech was itself the announcement or call for independence. Main reason for this version is to undercut the announcement made by then Major Ziaur Rahman of 8 Bengal Regiment at the Chittagong radio station on March 26/27, 1971. There appear a few contradictions surrounding those views.

Firstly, if March 7 speech was the ultimate call for independence, then why did Sheikh Mujib engage himself in lengthy parleys with Yahya, Bhutto and other Pakistani leaders from March 16 to 24, ostensibly to save Pakistan? After the talks on March 24, Mujib angrily retorted to the inquisitive journalists that if there was no progress in the discussion, he was not a fool to continue the talks. He further informed them that he had an exclusive meeting set with Yahya the next morning (Please see the Ittefaq and other newspapers of March 25/26, 1971). Alas, little did Mujib know that Yahya had boarded a plane for Karachi next morning, leaving instructions for the implementation of “Operation Search Light”, that is, wholesale crackdown on the Bengalis.

If March 7 speech was the declaration of independence, as contended by the Awami League and its followers, there was no need of a separate declaration on March 25/26, 1971. Why is then so much talk about sending written declaration to Chittagong to M A Hannan or Zuhur Ahmed Chowdhury, who supposedly made the announcements? And, from where that announcement was made and who heard that?

Relevant Questions

Why was it difficult for Sheikh Mujib to understand that the Dhaka talks from March 16-24, 1971 was a smoke screen and time-buying exercise by the Pakistani junta so that sufficient military strength could be at hand in East Pakistan for the ‘search light’ killing? Landings of plane and ship loads of troops and military wares at Dhaka and Chittagong ports were no secret. Wasn’t it ominous for anyone to understand! Could we avert such a huge catastrophe in men and material if right decision was taken at the right time by our political leaders?

Reportedly, Captain (later Major General) Amin Ahmed Chowdhury came from Chittagong and conveyed to Col (later General) M A G Osmany, military adviser to Mujib, that Pakistani elements of the military were making preparations for the crackdown on Bengalis. When conveyed, Mujib did not give any credence to the information. Never in his life, had Mujib taken military seriously!

General Amin, as well as Major Rafiqul Islam (later Advisor, AL Minister and presently an AL MP) who was an EPR (East Pakistan Rifle) captain in Chittagong and one of the pioneers of our liberation war) can throw some light on this.

According to a source, ASM Abdur Rab, the fiery student leader and a few of his associates went to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at his Dhanmondi residence around 10 pm on March 25, 1971 with the request to make the declaration of independence immediately, because they learnt the military crackdown had already started in the cantonments. Mujib was still hesitant on various pretexts. Rab said if ‘Bangabandhu’ couldn’t agree to do it, they would make the announcement themselves on his behalf. Noting Rab’s aggressive demeanor, Mujib asked for a paper to draft the declaration. Rab took out a paper from his pocket and said he had already prepared it and Mujib had to sign only. It was then decided to send the message to Chittagong through Pilkhana BDR Headquarters where Rab had a few reliable telecommunication personnel to help.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was repeatedly asked by fellow AL leaders to go in hiding or at least leave his residence. He chose to stay at home and face arrest, which was done soon afterwards and he was taken to West Pakistan. All Pakistani newspapers on March 27, 1971 carried the picture of a pensive Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at the VIP lounge of Karachi airport.

It was, however, not known if the said message could be transmitted to Chittagong. One version was that none of the top leaders could be traced in Chittagong— not unlikely due to the onset of ‘search light’ crackdown. Second version was that the message was conveyed to AL leader Zuhur Ahmed Chowdhury, but he chickened out and failed to take any action on that. Rumor had it that Z A Chowdhury, an otherwise mediocre person, was made a minister in Sheikh Mujib’s cabinet on condition that he would acknowledge the receipt of Sheikh Mujib’s message of independence declaration. Rab is still alive and can clarify the matter.

As for Zia’s declaration, General Mir Shawkat Ali, General Haurn Ahmed Chowdhury, Brigadier Chowdhury Khaliquzzaman, Col Oli Ahmed, Major Shamsher M Chowdhury are alive and can throw light on it. All these officers were with Ziaur Rahman at that time. According to Col Oli, Ziaur Rahman first made the announcement under his own name. Oli and others pointed out that to make the announcement more acceptable, it should be made it in the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Oli said to have drafted the announcement. He denied to have received any communication or independence declaration note from any quarter, as suggested by some.

AUthor: R Chowdhury
San Jose, USA

Posted by admin on March 20, 2009 under Bangladesh

Are Islam and Aristotle compatible?

It was from Arabic translations that Aristotle re-appeared in the West, re-introducing logical and dialectical rigour into medieval Christianity, and heralding the gradual revival of Greco-Roman classicism that culminated in the Italian Renaissance.

This semester I am teaching a course about Aristotle, democracy and law on a University of London campus which has large numbers of Muslim students. Over the past few weeks, two of them approached me - independently, and at different times. They both asked, a bit nervously, whether Aristotle’s philosophy is compatible with Islam.
They couldn’t have posed a more interesting or complicated question.
After the fall of the Roman Empire and into the Middle Ages, Greek learning gradually vanished from Western Europe. It was the Mediterranean centres of Muslim learning that kept Greek thought alive. Intellectuals such as Al-Farabi, Avicenna and Averroes authored lengthy commentaries on early Greek treatises on democracy, theology, psychology and many other subjects that are still studied today as classics.
In the later Middle Ages, it was from Arabic translations that Aristotle re-appeared in the West, re-introducing logical and dialectical rigour into medieval Christianity, and heralding the gradual revival of Greco-Roman classicism that culminated in the Italian Renaissance.
Over centuries, through empires and crusades, through the rise and fall of entire civilizations, the body of wisdom weaving steadily through Islam, Christianity and Judaism was Greek philosophy, the great example being Spain in its Golden Age.
Yet some insist that secular philosophy is anti-Islamic. And the students who approached me found themselves in the situation of many young Muslims in the West today. Even the choice to attend a class on law and ethics can provoke dilemmas of identity and allegiance.
Anyone familiar with Plato knows that nothing is taboo in Greek philosophy. Nor is any proposition admitted on faith alone. Logic and nature, ethics and politics, even art, music and literature must be justified through reason. No custom, tradition or religion stands above scrutiny. The very existence of God - or the gods - must be cast off if good reason cannot be mustered in support of it.
For those who believe that a meaningful human life requires faith coupled with reason, the ancient Greeks make unsettling reading. Religious people of all faiths have at times shunned secular philosophy. Religion, like science, closes minds when it leads people openly, or secretly, to declare, “We have all the truth we need. We don’t need philosophy!”
My two students had no intention of shutting down their minds. Both decided that their Islamic faith in no way bars them from free and critical inquiry into ethics, history and society. They embrace Islam to bring a wider world in, not to shut it out. They have no fear of Aristotle. They are, like Aristotle, the arbiters of their own minds. They see in the Greek canon not crusty dogma, but living dialogue. Aristotle poses no more of a threat to them than would an interfaith educational or cultural forum.
According to a poll recently conducted for the BBC, nearly 80 percent of British Muslims, far from shunning Christianity, support a stronger role for it in British life. That figure exceeds by 10 percent even the number of Christians who express such support. How can that be? Wasn’t Christianity the avowed foe of Islam for century after blood-soaked century?
What many Muslims in the West understand, and what my two students embrace, is the insight that cultural, religious or intellectual traditions are interactive and dynamic. Muslims are inviting non-Muslims to re-evaluate their own heritage, because they recognize that re-opening the mind to one tradition is a way of opening it to others.
Past intolerance need place no obstacle in the way of a tolerant future. Muslims are urging non-Muslims to celebrate an important past, which does not preclude that past, or any past, from remaining subject to ongoing, critical assessment.
In recent years, headlines and bookshops have swelled with stark, simplistic distinctions: science versus religion, reason versus faith, the West versus Islam. It is not in the triumph of any one of these, but in constant, constructive exchange among all of them that science and religion, reason and faith, the West and Islam fulfill their highest aspirations.
While many voices have ignorantly dismissed Islam - and indeed all religion - as an embodiment of ignorance, my two students are proving the contrary, as are Muslim intellectuals throughout the world. Like their great medieval forbears, they seek within Islam not closure, but openness. They are using Islam to deepen their understanding of other traditions, and using other traditions to deepen their understanding of Islam.

Author: Eric Heinze
(Author is professor of law and humanities at Queen Mary University of London. )

Posted by admin on March 20, 2009 under Spirituality

Teachers’ Training: Beginning of an End to Rot and Corruption Bonanza?

There was a news item on the 19 March (09) in a Dhaka Bengali daily that the Education Ministry has taken on a task that was long overdue in their issue of an order stopping function of 38 so-called Teachers Training Colleges in ‘existence’ for years, if not decades. Physical existence of 26 has been traced though but 12 of the 38 have not been traceable at all. Out of the existing 119 teachers training colleges in Bangladesh for training of secondary school teachers, 14 are run directly by the government from back nearly a century now, and the rest 105 by private persons and organizations, and out of these 105 only 3 have been found to offer satisfactory level of training, the rest 102 either offered no actual training at all or provided for nominal training in records only but in reality engaged for selling diplomas both B. Ed. and M.Ed. The other facts the Ministry have sorted out of the 90 colleges having physical existence as somewhat tolerable for continuation but again categorized 15 of them as ‘yellow’ and 37 ‘gray’. What they meant by these two categories though unknown to me, but may well be taken as giving them chance to improve on their performance in future subject to further scrutiny by the government or the Ministry of Education in their own way and on some preset criteria. It is further appreciable that for the political government in power, it may be difficult to withstand pressure for those already ordered to close down that would further create additional difficulties had they have decided to close down the other 90 at this first go.

Closing down any private institution, and in this case of the teachers training colleges is not normally anything desirable in the sense that ours is a free market economy and an aspiring plural society. Philanthropy of better off individuals is a desirable mode of advancement and development in any affair, and so also in education as is the mode in many countries both advanced and developing. Our education is still quite appreciably funded and managed by private individuals or parties of various natures. Whether we could get rid of all private initiatives like any socialist economy is debatable in terms of public resource constraint that may be made available from public exchequer in, I would say, even in decades ahead for education. My point is that Bangladesh must have opening for private initiative and private funding for education and some also for teachers training colleges. There is also a social demand for such scopes.

Keeping up with the social demand, the ‘yellow’ and the ‘gray’ ones should get positive sympathy from the government and to make sure that no corruption takes place for making the ‘gray’ ‘yellow’ and the ‘yellow’ ‘white’ (I think) except the only criterion of quality both organizational and programs.

What is at stake is the quality training for teachers. The 14 government colleges are known to have been maintaining standards, but as reports I had, they receive of late few trainees than number provided for scopes in each institutions for they require regular attendance in programs and cheap buying of diplomas without fully attending programs is not possible in these colleges. Three of the private ones have also been keeping up, as is known, with similar standard. These examples show that it is not the fault of being private but being something else that we need to look into in depth and with all seriousness. What could be the probable reasons for such fake institutions and degeneration of quality?

I had been in teacher education business first as a full time teacher and then as the Director of the Institute of Education, Darul Ihsan University for about a decade between 1996 to 2006. At the beginning when there was no other private institution offering B.Ed. and M.Ed degrees, we had a continuing rush of students both at the B.Ed. and M.Ed. programs that we could hardly accommodate in a rented house in Dhanmondi area. In fact these two programs formed nucleus of the university that took shape later on as the first private university in Bangladesh in late 1980s. The institute started mainly with part time teachers taken from the Dhaka University Institute of Education. I happened to be the first full time senior faculty member as I had then retired from government service in education. For the first few years we offered B. Ed. and M.Ed. to huge number of trainees. Soon we knew about many private teacher training colleges being opened here and there. We knew further that many of those new colleges started offering diploma mainly for money and fees having little regard to actual classroom teaching and training. The rot spread like wild fires that we few tried to stop on our own limited way but nothing substantive could be done. Demand for seats in the institute continued to fall for the obvious reason that we could not compete in selling certificates without attendance in regular programs. I kept on writing articles against such rot having had some useful help from another renowned educator. Today we certainly feel elated that the rot is being taken up for some redress. How far this would be effective remains to be seen.

The rot is nothing unique in teacher training in Bangladesh. We have many rots in many other areas, as well. In this case though the most worrying thing is that it has eaten away into the vitals of education of the next progeny. It is also pity that the teachers who are to build character of the next progeny are involved in this matter of moral erosion. In fact, many senior teachers are involved in this rot business both as organizers and faculty members in selling of diplomas of no quality in most unethical and immoral manner.

One may take the news with awe, and the Ministry may face resistance, as well, from some quarter against the right action taken for protecting evil vested interests of some persons and groups. But if one would mean business in imparting quality learning to school students by well-educated and trained teachers, there is no alternative to better and effective quality teachers that in turn means well-trained teachers. It is the quality teachers’ training colleges and similar other institutions attached to universities that can do the quality job. Ill organized and those organized for selling and buying of diplomas, B. Ed. and M.Ed., not in fact providing effective teaching and training, can not do the job satisfactorily.

So, there is a need for re-organizing the private institutions. Possibly more than anything else, the program has to be redesigned to integrate ethical and moral touch into it. The philanthropists coming forward may not only see the program for profit making alone but to render a service above self for better education of the next generation and for the country.

I would feel that the teachers, through the program, have to be motivated for service above self, just as our prophet had been and the Quran also inspires us to go for teaching.

I am sure that the motivational program as I have briefly hinted at here could make wonders even if the private teachers training institutions continue to operate in Bangladesh. After all, teaching is not a job for material gains alone but for spiritual gains, as well.

Shall I venture to say at the end that there lies some cause of action not only against those involved in the racket and the institutions who provided back up support for the unethical syndicate of corruption bonanza but also some punitive actions against all those who now own the diplomas and engaged in teaching in schools.

Author: Dr. M.T. Hussain

Posted by admin on March 20, 2009 under Bangladesh

Ego of the Leader hinders Democracy

On the 17th March night an octogenarian friend of mine and a retired justice of the High Court phoned me up and asked me the pertinent question where our beloved country is heading for. I understood that he asked me the question from a deep worry about the overall situation of the country. The next morning on the 18th another notable retired educator of the same age level and senior to me by about ten years phoned me to let me have his concern about the country stating that the country has lately been in a serious ‘spiritual vacuum’. On the morning again, I had a scope to read through a post editorial of a Dhaka Bengali daily contributed by another nearly octogenarian retired BBC journalist now settled in London who, as well, expressed his deep concern for the country’s politics and economy, particularly for the extremely egoistic, undemocratic and mortally feudal attitude of the leader now running to country. The journalist, I knew, had excellent relations quite long ago not only with the present leader but also with the father of this leader, somehow though the relation of CHACHA VASTI ruptured, I am not sure, when, how and why. Now he contributes to quite a few Dhaka Bengali dailies from London that if I come across take interest to go through for he adds useful facts and experience from his vast experience as a journalist.

In the latest of his articles referred to above, he had his serious feeling, in view of the crisis Bangladesh has been passing through following the tragic aftermath of the BDR mayhem, for open consultation and if need be taking into confidence all patriotic forces, particularly with the opposition parties and leaders. But he despaired about the narrowly inward looking, extremely egoistic and dangerously negative attitude of the leader. He has also recalled his past sad experience of similar negative and egoistic attitude of the leader of the early 1970s so much so that the eldest son in law of the leader and a nuclear scientist once in 1974 in the midst of severe famine in the country took the journalist to the leader with the hope that he might have impressed the egoistic leader to listen to his counsel for good as the journalist was just like CHOTO BHAI through connection and closeness of Kolkata days in early 1940s, and also played a valiant role through his huge work and sacrifice tirelessly using the BBC forum in 1971 to put the leader in the highest of position and honor, and independence of Bangladesh. In the article he used quite a few words not only meaning hard truths but also went on further making comment possibly in utter frustration that the present leader was no genetically (he used the Bengali term KUSTI) different from the leader of the 1970s. One may hardly disagree with the comment for the truth of the matter is that the two leaders in question are father and offspring.

It is well known that despite the peak high of popularity of the father, he did not have a pleasant end. Neither did he carried the people to hope, despite high pitch of popularity at the beginning that declined so much rapidly in little over three years that when he fell from power very few lamented his fall. Instead the common people rejoiced his exit from the absolute pinnacle of power of Bangladesh though it was very much tragic one. Many sensible men and women would associate the tragedy in the vacuum the leader himself had made through his notorious ego and by shunning the path of consultation at personal as well as group level. He turned the Parliament into a rubber stamp of his egoistic wishes manifested by complete absence of democratic culture of the leader from within and so letting many to take undue advantages being the opportunist sycophants encircling him from all around. The journalist deeply lamented the repetition of the same scenario now and had his worries known in the item.

He titled the item, DESH THAKLEI PRODHANMONTRITYA, spoke clearly about his serious concern for independence and sovereignty of the country. I am afraid, he is not one hundred percent right in making his mind open in the observation so made in the title. The father, as well, ditched the country into deep down to utter frustration in all fronts, economy, politics, education and what not, despite the fact that the leader had long experience in politics and had been a big exponent for democracy as also the people so believed and expected of him. But fortunately for the people and the country when the people felt betrayed he had himself to take exit from the scene, not the country ended in extinction, but survived with dignity. This time as well, if democracy could be made to survive, Bangladesh shall wither away the viciousness of the present leader. The justice I referred to at the beginning used to tell me repeatedly that he has had optimism as his intuition goes and went in the past as well that ‘ALLAH”S 92A’, time and again, has so long saved Bangladesh from total extinction against the all time draconian wishes of some romantics from across the border who continue to cherish it so long for about six decades now.

Author: M.T. Hussain

Posted by admin on March 19, 2009 under Bangladesh

15 August 1975: No Shying Away About

Why Shying Away?
In an angry response to an adverse remark made a few days ago by an expatriate journalist on the heroic 15th August occurrence and revolution in Dhaka in 1975, some young leaders have asked the septuagenarian to withdraw his remark implicating therein in the matter Begum Khaleda Zia, former Prime Minister and now opposition leader in the Bangladesh Parliament, they felt blameworthy to her. The anger though has some value but in terms of the lofty glory of the 15th August, there is nothing to be shying away for the patriots and nationalists that in fact emerged from the great occurrence nearly 34 years ago.

Jubilation In and Out
The 1975 August 15 had been a day of jubilation by the people Bangladesh not staying then only at home alone but in abroad, as well. I myself am a living witness then stayed in London. I had also news of jubilation of the people living inside the country as we had reports from foreign journalists published in various London newspapers. The journalist in mention had then also been in London, but curiously enough as I saw on the day and afterwards many groups joined jubilation in the city of London, and in locations Bangladeshi concentrated as in East London Aldgate area, Oxford Street, Strand, White Hall area including in front of the British P.M.’s famous official residence, 10 Downing Street, etc., but in no place I knew of the mentioned person came out in open not to join jubilation but to show on his part sympathy to the fallen leader, much less protest against those who had brought about the leaders fall in the coup d’etat. He was then well known for accrued favors from the fallen leader not only for himself but also for his grievously ill wife who needed in 1974 treatment not possible in Dhaka but costly one in London.

Knowledge and Information Gap
In the period over three and a half decades that has passed by, and a new generation has grown up in the vacuum of historical facts and realities, it is now only very easy among these new generation having huge knowledge gap about the fallen leader now being presented having full support of the State power and money in an image as if he was a demy–god, if not the Great God.
The 15th August patriotic army coup d’etat had its success not alone by the few bullets (on both sides though) but for all misdeeds and oppression perpetrated by the leader and so he betrayed the people almost in all accounts for about three and a half years.

The Leader’s Bully Boys Inflicted Man Made Famine
As against the promises he made before coming to power, he betrayed the people in matters of minimum provisions of life and living as the man made famine took away lives of thousands, if not millions, while the party goons and leaders had hay days of illegitimate fortune making, a complete betrayal of the promises he made almost in every election propaganda in late 1960s rhetoric before being saddled to power in January 1972.

The Leader Betrayed the people
The leader betrayed the people in meeting democratic aspirations of the people that he had earlier promised but brutally killed the mode of pluralism first by autocratic rule followed by imposing lone party BAKSAL for furthering oppressive rule engineered by the instrumentation of the unconstitutional killer force, the so-called Rakkhi Bahini. The RAKHI BAHINI, it may be recalled, had been planned by the Indians in Delhi, their intelligence agency R&AW trained those forces, motivated and armed them with their own brand of arms and ammunitions not for the security of the country but to protect the leader alone that stood in parallel with the national army the leader had despise for historical reason against the Pakistan Army, and so against the Bangladesh army possibly as a continuum of hatred for the Pakistan Army.

Indian Brahmanism Stood Against Muslim Belief System and so Did the Lackey
The leader had cold shoulder for the historical and traditional Islamic belief system of the overwhelming majority people of Bangladesh, if not that much for his own account but more so imposed by the hegemony of Indian Brahmanism in action, such as they were made in educational goals reset, changes in curricula and syllabuses made, etc. This mode of State action program manifested in including ‘Secularism’ in the basic principle of the Constitution made effective in late 1972 alienated the people further.

India Ditched Bangladesh into Ignominy
In external affairs, as well, Bangladesh faced uphill task to make friends except in conformity with pleasure of Delhi. It was not that only many Muslim countries including Saudi Arabia distanced away to recognize Bangladesh but also communist China shied away from according recognition to Bangladesh as an independent country for their perception of total Indian hegemony that rested safely on the shoulder of the boss of the then Bangladesh.

India Posed Threats to Economy
The pressure of Indian big economy making intrusion from all sides of the border that put internal growth at stake in addition to threats to agriculture and ecology for India’s unduly controlling natural flow of water in the river systems from upstream continued to pose all time threats to normal productivity, economy and dignified existence of Bangladesh.

15th August Enhanced Dignity of Bangladesh
Fortunately for Bangladesh the 15th August of 1975 change paved the way for changes in fortune of Bangladesh for restoration of pluralism and multiparty democracy that enhanced dignity in the advanced world including having had secured recognition from China, Saudi Arabia etc. The notorious Rakkhi Bahini was contained into regular discipline through its absorption in to the regular army. Openness of the economy from evil clutches of India gave way to freedom from the ignominy of INTERNATIONAL BASKET CASE as the immediate post 1972 government had made the fate of the country.

Patriots’ Pride
The patriots and the nationalists thus should all take pride in the occurrence of the 15th August 1975 and in no way has any reason whatsoever to shy away from the victorious coup d’etat but for which there would have been no 7th November, much less the political freedom and the parties banned earlier by the leader’s government in early 1972 in fascistic manner could not have been revived and none born afresh but only for the success of the 15th August heroic coup that received spontaneous support of the people, on the one hand, and despise for the fallen leader, on the other.

Author: Dr. M.T. Hussain

Posted by admin on March 18, 2009 under Bangladesh

Cart before the Horse: One Hundred Reserved Women Seats in the Parliament

Hurrah

On the Women’s day this year on the 8th March Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina announced in a gathering of women in Dhaka that she would have one hundred women’s reserved seats in the parliament. I can say with certainty that she had loud applause and big clapping for the announcement. That’s what the political leaders expect all audience to do; and also that she made the public declaration for having clapping and hurrah.

Why not 56%

When a friend asked me my response on the announcement, I stated without any fumbling, why not 56%? That was what the percentage figure of the women’s voters had been in the 2009 national election voters’ list. That would have been not only for women’s empowerment but also just in terms of population figure of women in the country.

Cheap Rhetoric for populism

Populism in politics is nothing unusual. Leaders need and cram for popular support of the people she or he leads. In open plural democracy, no leader can afford to ignore popular appeal. That is why all such leaders pick up issues of likely populism and go on making band wagon of the issue for people’s support to win election.

AL’s Bandwagon

Awami League, as a political party all throughout the history of their existence for about six decades now, have had very effectively gone for many band wagons for winning elections. In the 2009 December election as well they made huge promises almost all for populism but devoid of reality on the ground just as some of their stalwarts have later on admitted to. Thus the people, time and again, have been miserably cheated. Hasina’s declaration for the reserved one hundred Women’s seats in the parliament can hardly be considered anything different. Rhetoric and bandwagon seem to mark this declaration, as well, I am afraid.

Women are Disadvantaged

There is no denying the fact that women as a class is disadvantaged than men. But it also true that women are backward in all countries not only in the developing ones but also in the most developed lots. The disadvantage is thus a legacy of the past for not just centuries but millenniums. The question now is, could any one sort out the long standing and continuing inequality of genders in Bangladesh in a second or a minute through Aladdin’s wonder lamp?

Reservation or Inferiority Acceded to

The first point is ‘reservation’ in any issue itself clearly implies positive discrimination for disadvantaged, on the one hand, and appreciation of inferiority of persons/groups concerned, on the other. It is as such reasonably needed that the causes of disadvantage, if not inferiority, have to be sorted out, listed and then take on to look for possible remedies.

‘Original Sin’
Whether the disadvantage owed to the ‘original sin’ or in scheming of the Great Creator, if there was any, can not be overlooked for the simple reason that all civilized human societies in one way or the other continue to bear legacies of the belief in the Great Lone Creator.

Biology and Nature

The nature though framed both man and woman almost exactly the same in many biological functions and yet designed not for the same biological process to carry on in the same manner. The reproductive system is the best example in uniqueness of the two. The uniqueness is also so wonderfully unique that all living animals have the same difference, disadvantage, inequality and some disability, as well, of one or the other.

Inequality in Natural Design and the Need for

One may argue that despite the differences and disabilities, if not inequality, the system of polyandry and of matriarchal family systems overcame inequality of the fair sex. But the fact of human society is that they are now matters of by gone days and nowhere prevalent in advanced human societies. We are now thinking and talking about for rapid transition to fully humane and advanced society.

Human wisdom and development ahead for maximum welfare of maximum people found it reasonable to have family system having nucleus of two adult members of opposite sex. This is as essential for reproduction of the next progeny as also for bringing up babies and children in family structure of the two souls joined together to carry on these essential jobs. Wedlock in religious or other forms was considered by social planners as befitting in the matter for all adult human beings. The family so constructed also helped in framing society for congenial human relations. The sexual act has not been kept open with everybody and anybody like other irrational animals but been made conditional and limited between the agreed and lawful partners. This is not essential for sexual gratification as such but for identity of the probable next offspring that every sensible human psyche is eager to have and keep up in future. That is how humane and caring society developed having had base in major religious beliefs and scientifically organized democratic society, not making any dislocation in family system but instead integrating family bondage wedded between two souls of adult opposite sexes.

Women’s Additional Burden

In the family it is for natural reason that child bearing woman partner takes some additional specific responsibilities and functions that the male partner can not do. Breast feeding is such an example for newly born baby apart from carrying the baby in the womb of mother and not of the father. Such difference in functions and obligations made mother more for internal works than biological father. If for obvious reasons mother has to go out of home for work or for responding to any other obligation, alternate system has to provide for keeping in view that the alternate would function effectively.

Equality of Opportunity, Not Equality

Equality of opportunity is being confused with equality by many as also empowerment of women. I am afraid, there is nothing called absolute equality in creation much less in human progeny. Lately, the West after having had gone on to licentiousness of free sexuality and promiscuity for empowerment of women has been infested heavily with broken homes, illegitimate birth of children, drug addictions and all such vices leading to the killer diseases like HIV Positive/AIDS, etc that have made additional burden to the national exchequer, if one would care to account for the cost involved. One may ponder about the fact that such vices have roots in the so called ‘secularism’ or in the social practice of separation of church and state into the affairs of family system.

Poverty, Ignorance and Social Taboos

In poverty ridden countries like Bangladesh, say for example in India, the so-called ‘largest democracy’, women folk in the main are treated not only unjustly but also in all conceivable inhuman manners. The main reason has been poverty, ignorance, religious obscurantism etc. Bangladesh’s scenario is nothing different. Thus it is only though freeing people from abject poverty, making them fairly educated for being useful and productive democratic citizens and motivating them through higher ideological psyche, one may expect all not only young girls alone empowered as future member of the society and the country.

Quality Human Resource can do the Job Effectively

Once we could reach that level of capability and psyche of all people, it is only likely that all would compete between themselves, men and women, not only in the world of work but also in the election for the parliament on their own merit and capability, not to feel perked by anybody and so made pliable to some body through the provision of ‘reserved’ seats. The women, if would be rightly educated and made enough self-confident in their own capabilities, could then only and not before have more than 50% of the seats just as now the women voters are nearly 56%. Otherwise, it would be at this stage an exercise only to put the ‘cart before the horse’. One may, however, take a look in depth as to the position the women have been having now a days in the West, despite their ‘liberation’ nearly six decades ago in the mid 20th century, and many countries had Woman Prime Ministers during late last century.

Author: Dr.M.T. Hussain

Posted by admin on March 10, 2009 under Bangladesh

Recall the Spirit of 1971

Lt Col Mohammad Ziauddin, Dhaka’s Brigade Commander and one of Bangladesh’s brightest officers, wrote a small article titled “Hidden Pride of Freedom Fighters”. It was prominently published in the front page in the Holiday on August 20, 1972. The article dealt with the demoralized state of the freedom fighters (FFs) due to a sorry state of the nation, a nation they fought and gave blood to liberate from the Pakistani occupants. He also challenged then government to tell the people what the 25-year secret pact with India contained, hinting Bangladesh subjugated itself to be a kind of vassal state to its big neighbor.

It was a bombshell to the Awami League government. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was in Moscow on a medical trip, but the news reached him immediately. Everybody waited for him to return and deal with the matter. Army chief Col (later Major General) Safiullah was praying “Ya Nafsi” at every breath.

When Sheikh Mujib returned home, Ziuddin was summoned and asked to apologize; and everything would be forgotten and forgiven. A proud Ziauddin declined. He was dismissed from service unceremoniously. Out of frustration, Ziauddin joined Siraj Sikdar’s Sarbohara Party. Later, however, he fell out on ideological question and lived a secluded life, only to surface after August 15, 1975.

That was the frustration of freedom fighters in August 1972. In the next 3 years, Bangladesh went through far more difficulties and miseries. It saw the creation of a draconian Rakhi Bahini, experienced the enforcement of a rigid Emergency order, had to endure a one-party rule of BAKSAL, succumbed to a one-man dictatorship through 4th constitutional amendment, witnessed the loss of half a million lives in a man-made famine, a highly corruptive political and administrative machinery made Bangladesh the ‘International Basket Case’. These are a few of the achievements of the “Golden Period” of Sheikh Mujubur Rahman, we fondly call Bangabandhu.

Those who know Ziauddin will recall his principled mind. A Sargoda Public School product, he was one of the few officers who defected Pakistan Army in the west and took the hazardous journey through India to reach the liberation war front in the east. His defection team included Major M A Manzur and family (later Major General, and killed in Chittagong following the assassination of President Ziaur Rahman), Major Abu Taher (later Lt Col and hanged after the Sepoy-Janata Revolution on November 7, 1975) and Capt Ghani Patwari (Later Col). Reportedly, Ziauddin did not accept any Indian money as salary or uniform during the war, except which was necessary for survival.

I recalled the story of Ziuddin to remind some of our FFs that they seemed to have lost their pride and orientation. If Bangladesh were to favor the dictates of one neighbor, what was wrong with the other? Why did they have to shed so much blood to get rid of the Pakistanis in 1971?

They remember how the big neighbor came in open arms to welcome them and provide everything they needed to continue their war of independence in 1971. That support was inevitable and the Mukti Bahini certainly felt grateful about it. After the independence, when Sheikh Mujub and the Awami leadership were euphoric in praise of India, Maulana Bhasani cautioned, “It was India who should be grateful to us, not the other way around”. India should check its balance sheet what it gained in the war in 1971 and in the creation of Bangladesh.

After the surrender of Pakistanis on December 16, 1971, Indians were taking away all the Pakistani arms and military equipment, most of them very sophisticated and acquired from the US and China. It appeared odd to a smalltime freedom fighter, a captain, somewhere in Sylhet sector. He told an Indian colonel that those weapons now belonged to Bangladesh. The colonel replied: firstly, Bangladesh didn’t need any arm forces, and secondly, India would be there to help should there be any need. The captain thought the colonel said that in jest. He responded that Mukti Bahini was grateful to India for the support it provided to it during the war, and that Bangladesh would not like to remain dependent on India for its defensive needs for ever. Indian colonel did not seem to like the remarks of the young captain, and replied, “Let the politicians bother about that. I am doing my duty only”. He continued his work of taking inventory of the Pakistani armament.

Major M A Jalil, Barisal area Sector Commander, tried to stop the Indians from taking away Pakistani surrendered armaments. He was arrested and court-martialed by the new Bangladesh government on some flimsy charges. Jalil perhaps violated the terms of the 25-year friendship treaty with India.

Some may argue that Indian subjugation is preferable because it is big, strong, powerful, economically better, technologically advanced and surrounds us from all sides, including from the sea. Is that what our FFs thought when they fought for an independent Bangladesh? If so, then why this hide-n-seek game? Let them openly declare Bangladesh the 29th state of India, the thing RAW has been toiling on for the past few decades.

This is not the question to a coterie of our FFs alone. This applies to our so called intellectuals, journalist, artists, politicians and others who think that our future and salvation lies in the lap of our big neighbor. They perhaps find nothing wrong to get overt and covert pecuniary installments to work for the RAW even that meant going against the interest of Bangladesh. Forget the waters of Gages and 53 other rivers, don’t bother about the ongoing construction of barrages and dams across our borders, forget Talpatti, forget Berubari, forget the oil-drilling rights, forget the artificially created CHT problem, forget the Bangabhumi issue, forget the wire fencing along the border, forget BSF killings and encroachments, forget your security, ignore all its routine interferences in our internal matters. Let the people suffer and go to hell, as long as I get the money and a VIP treatment abroad, fine enough! These are our sold out patriots and the supposed sole authority and spokesmen for Bangladesh!! We need to watch them and their designs.

Author: R Chowdhury, San Jose, CA, USA

Posted by admin on March 10, 2009 under Bangladesh

‘Conspiracy’ Found: Uncertain Fate of Enquiries

Sheikh Hasina was heard in verbatim in the BBC (Bengali) on the 7th March evening that sounded to my ears as her final conclusion, ‘Conspiracy’, on and about the 25-26th February BDR HQ mayhem as she did in the speech made earlier on the day in a function held in Dhaka. My immediate response is that there is no more need of the three enquiry committees. I do not mean by making the hunch to say though that there was no pre-planning for the massacre by some crude and over ambitious beasts, if that could be termed a ‘Conspiracy’ as she had coined this term.

Was she right in making the observation that can not but adversely affect the findings of the three committees in midway of their investigation for any usefully credible findings? Could they dare to differ with the P.M.s prior conclusion in the matter including for some specifics that might as well turn into some witch hunting?

The three Enquiry committees are in the main manned by none other than government and party functionaries, one way or the other. Saving of one’s job and grace is not the only issue at stake, but other psychosis of fear in action, as well.

The first is the bully boys of the party in power, and more specifically of the top leader. There was a news item published in a Bengali Dhaka daily on the 8th March that the editor of national English daily was found in his car being chased on the previous day by some goons, quite likely from among the same variety of bully boys. I recall right now a high court judge’s remark made in late 1990s after delivering his judgment in a case, to a friend that he had no two heads above his neck! I recall also another senior editor of a widely circulated Bengali daily, now defunct PURBODESH in early 1970s that he also reminded me that he did not have two heads above his neck, even if one would be taken off, the other would keep him alive.

The other worrying issue is that what the Bangladesh’s P.M. Sheikh Hasina has claimed to have discovered a ‘Conspiracy’ that already the Indian important media have made known to all readers both in English and in Bengali language, if not for other language readers as I could have had from the two language newspapers published in Kolkata and other cities in the neighboring big country.
The Bengali daily Anandabazar Patrika on the 28th February stated in first page lead news in red, that said ‘MODOD ISLAMI SHAKTIR’ (Had help from the Islamic forces). The Telegraph of the same Kolkata city published on the 28th February news lifted in a Dhaka Bengali daily Noya Diganta on the 1st March stated that Taka one crore or ten million funding of the Pakistan ISI was provided for the project. The Times of India on the 1st March published their idea of ISI connection of Salah uddin Quader Chowdhury, M.P., having had long family connection with the Muslim League and Pakistan, and now a BNP leader. One must wonder in amazement if the conspiracy hinted at by the P.M. was anything different from the Indian media made known already ahead of her. If they had enough material to draw almost the same conclusion, let the people know them in clear terms; and in such a case of unanimity of the conclusion already reached, is it not useless to spoil time, energy and money from the public exchequer the three committees have been spending?

The news published in the same media of preparedness of the Indian special armed force paratroopers brought from distant Agra and massed at Kalaikunda air base close to Bangladesh border and kept them ready on red alert following the BDR mayhem for meeting ‘exigencies’ in Bangladesh for the government, particularly for safety and security of Hasina, apparently a good friendly measure and move, can hardly be palatable for dignity and freedom of Bangladesh having there no conspiracy in hatching.

Such reasonable hunch has brought forward the urgent need more than ever before for constitution of enquiry committee composed of retired neutral judges of the Supreme/High Court.

Author: Dr. M.T. Hussain

Posted by admin on March 10, 2009 under Bangladesh

Peelkhana Massacre: Viewed from Dhaka Cantonment

On the 25th of February, at Dhaka Peelkhana behind the barred gates of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) headquarters, a massacre took place in broad daylight. It was a planned massacre of the commanders of the BDR gathered at the headquarters, unarmed, for an annual ceremonial Darbar (general meeting of BDR members).

The public was only aware of grievous troubles accompanied by sporadic firing by trigger-happy BDR men gone haywire within BDR compounds. Stray bullets and splinters wounded pedestrians and some people in the vicinity, killing one. The Prime Minister reported later to the Parliament (and also to a Darbar at the army headquarters) that she was apprised at around 9.30 a.m. that day of the danger to the lives of the commanding officers of the BDR. She was contacted on telephone by the besieged Director General himself who was still alive at that time.

It appears she was advised by her confidants to try to quell the armed mutiny (against commanders but not against the ruling cabinet, her confidants presumed) by friendly persuasion, opening a channel for collective bargaining by mutineers. As Defence Minister, she was concerned about the chain of command and discipline of the armed services of the State, and as Prime Minister, she virtually commanded the military machine of the state by executive authority as well as by binding advice to the Supreme Commander and President of the Republic.

But as political leader and head of government, she thought it fit to assign to Sahara Khatun, the Home Minister who administered the BDR, to take charge of the situation. She also sent her LGRD state minister Nanak to Peelkhana to establish direct contact with the mutineers.

On Feb 26th The Economist print edition of U.K. reported: “Mutiny in Bangladesh”.

The report said: “Only two months after a return to democratic rule, Bangladesh’s new government faces its toughest test yet. On February 25th the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), a 45,000-strong paramilitary force, primarily responsible for guarding the country’s borders, staged an armed mutiny. The renegade troops took 100 hostages and killed their commanding officer and many others. The Army moved in to quell the mutiny. There ensued a 20-hour siege of the BDR’s headquarters that left perhaps 50 people dead and turned a posh residential area of Dhaka into a battle-zone.

“Sheikh Hasina, the Prime Minister, offered an amnesty and in response the mutineers began to surrender. But the next day the rebellion rekindled and spread to a dozen other towns across the country.”

As The Economist said, “There were reports that the Army was taking control of BDR border posts and tanks were approaching BDR headquarters in Dhaka. The Government has agreed to consider the mutineers’ demands for better conditions. Another grievance is believed to be the BDR’s exclusion from lucrative UN peacekeeping missions. The crisis will strain the army’s relations with the new government, led by Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League, which won a huge parliamentary majority in an election in December. Since then, Sheikh Hasina has moved swiftly to limit the army’s role. However, with many of its officers among the dead, the army might resist the amnesty and push for the legal penalty for mutiny: death by hanging.”

Army officers in Dhaka Cantonment and in other command zones throughout the country were indeed very very angry, but remained disciplined.

The media in Bangladesh was carried away by the sob stories of the mutineers, the injustice of their service conditions. The mutineers met the press at the gates of Peelkhana BDR headquarters with face partly covered with red scarves, or called pressmen in for interviews. They called their commanding officers thieves who profited from Dal bhat operations (a temporary fair price shops chain run by BDR during the market crisis in 2008).

“The army officers, called in to stand by around Peelkhana and in their posts elsewhere, fumed as they considered the media misrepresentation of the mutiny and the time-killing in the name of peaceful persuasion of mutineers to lay down their arms would in reality allow the armed rebels to carry out cold-blooded massacre of prized army officers, do the needful to hide the bodies and other clues of the conspiracy, and escape.

That is what actually happened in what was termed a political resolution of the crisis. The army officers obeyed and stayed aloof, but were able to prevail on their defence minister to reconsider the amnesty declared in the political handling process of the crisis and the Prime Minister annulled the amnesty post-facto after the revelation of the extent of massacre and other vile crimes committed by the mutineers.

Frantic e-mails, however, continued to be sent out by armed forces officers, to retired armed services personnel linked with the media and the civil society, to tell media personnel and talk-show celebrities to stop spreading canards against the Army at the behest of the mutineers.

I quote one such e-mail:

“Take the salute of Bangladesh Army. We feel aggrieved how easily you were bluffed about what happened at Peelkhana by the so called cause of the BDR jawans on 25th February 2009. This is what really happened:

“On 25 February, the mutiny at Peelkhana is reported to the Prime Minister’s office by direct phone call around 9.30 a.m. An S.O.S was communicated to the Government for rescue by the officers in peril, who await army help.

RAB arrives at Peelkhana gate at about 10 a.m. and ready to move in. Home Ministry said a stubborn “No”.

Troops of Mirpur Cantt and Dhaka Cantt arrive at Peelkhana by 11:30 a.m. they seek permission to go in. Again a big “No”.

Innocent media people, bluffed by the BDR jawans, focus to the nation the “right cause” of rebellious BDR who ask for BCS officers…..!!!”

The e-mail reads: “The Govt sends Nanok and others and they enter “courageously” into BDR Peelkhana. They are confident that they may safely come back and they will not be not hold hostage.”

At 4:30 pm, army tanks are ready to go in, briefing done. Again a big “No”. The army is told to go 3 km away from Peelkhana.”

Night comes. Sahara and Nanok enter BDR and all lights are off. Sahara visits families of army officers without Nanok as seen on TV channels through BTV footage. She DOES NOT meet any (captive) army officer of BDR.”

Media people telecast live sound of firing from inside Peelkhana when Sahara is inside.”

According to the e-mail, “Sahara Khatun comes out and faces the media. Some channel representative asks her, ‘When you were inside, we heard the sound of gunfire. Did you hear it?’ She says, ‘No. I did not hear any firing’. Sahara did not mention anything about the 168 officers inside, nor the media men asked her where the officers were.”

The e-mail further reads, “THIS WAS BECAUSE AT THAT TIME B.D.R. WAS COMPLETING THE TOTAL KILLING OF OFFICERS STILL ALIVE AND HARASSING THIER FAMILIES UNDER THE EYES OF NANOK; AND MASS GRAVES WERE BEING PREPARED. Please refer to the NTV exclusive with Major Mokarram on 28th evening. He said that he heard the voice of Home Minister entering into the kote (armoury) when she was surrounded by BDR gunmen.”

IG of Police freely moved in because his daughter and son -in-law Haider were kept (later found killed) inside. He ensures the rescue of his daughter, married 82 days earlier.”

Only police personnel were allowed to enter Peelkhana and throughout the night they find only 7 dead bodies and suggest that search could not be done due to darkness.”

The e-mail adds, “NON-MILITARY AMBULANCES ENTER AND LEAVE PEELKHANA A NUMBER OF TIMES AND TAKE AWAY SO MANY DEAD BODIES….. BUT THE TOTAL STILL REMAINS 7. Only 5-7 other bodies appear from canal behind BDR, naturally coming out under drainage pressure. ABOUT 32 KILLERS WERE TAKEN AWAY BY THOSE AMBULANCES WITHOUT TAKING OUT ANY OF THE HOSTAGES.

Next morning on 26 February there is no sign of bodies. Bodies and mass graves are discovered after army and fire brigade (fire brigade boss is a brigadier of army) enter into Peelkhana late in the morning.

Size and depth of mass graves indicate that killers used the whole night to dig those and also to FLY AWAY from PEELKHANA. Only about 200 fools of BDR were left at Peelkhana when the Army was allowed to move in.

Nanok in a media briefing in front of Peelkhana declares that “It was a big conspiracy and crores of Takas were distributed in Peelkhana.” DEAR MEDIA, HE WAS RIGHT. BECAUSE (allegedly) EACH DAD (Deputy Asst Director, junior officer of BDR) WORKING AT PEELKHANA GOT TK 25 LAC between 22 and 24th February, distributed by Nanok’s men.

“You see how brutally the representative of Bangladeshi people, elected just 50 days back-Sahara, Nanok, Mirza Azam and Jalil…..all of them ensured that your officers and their families, the officers of Bangladeshi people, are killed and molested (the e-mail said).

“Only about 37 or 57 officers were killed in our War of Liberation 1971 by Pakistanis in 9 months. It is now clear that Nanok and DAD Tauheed had been communicating with each other for last one month plus. Home Minister and Nanok arranged the safe exit of the rebel BDR troops from Peelkhana throughout the night,” the e-mail alleged.

“Bangladesh Army was not allowed to fire on the plea that ‘peaceful negotiation’ was going on. If Army troops were allowed to enter Peelkhana even at 4 pm on 25th February, we could save many innocent lives. The people from the area/village of the dead officers will all testify that those were our golden sons of the soil. They did prove it in UN missions. That is why Bangladesh is the largest troops contributing country to UN. It is not India, Pakistan, US or Canada.

We are not asking you to believe this email. We are requesting you to use you judgement.”

“The army officers, however, obeyed their superiors and heard their defence minister when she addressed them in Dhaka Cantonment. But the continuing saga of the Peelkhana tragedy is having repercussions which we intend to follow up in the next issue.”

Author: ASadeq Khan
Source: Weekly Holiday

Posted by admin on March 9, 2009 under Bangladesh