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The August 15, 1975: What It Meant to Bangladesh

August 15 is nearing. We will see and experience the frantic and elaborate celebrations of the re-designated Mourning Day this year. There will no doubt be showcases of milads, kulkhanis, feeding the poor on one side while seminars, demonstrations and ‘cry’ for the death for those who dared the ‘August 15 Revolution’ on the other. I will come to the word ‘revolution’ later.

Walk the 1972-75 of Bangladesh

Let us put the present to pause for a while and rewind the history of Bangladesh to the period 1971-1975. This exercise is especially important for the generations in their 40s and below, who have not seen the birth pangs of the new nation in 1971, nor did they experience the ‘golden rule’ of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1972-1975. These generations, as well as the entire nation, are continually being fed with disinformation and distorted versions of our history. They are fed up with the repeated changes in the history books at every turn of the government.

To make the matter worse, the highest judicial class of the country decided to put its seal on a highly controversial and partisan issue concerning the declaration of independence of Bangladesh. Obviously, question does arise about the much touted independence of our judiciary.

Mujib in 1971
In 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman became the undisputed leader of then East Pakistan. In the 1970 elections, his Awami League won 162 out of 300 seats in the National Assembly, thereby giving him the right to form the next government of Pakistan. But that became an illusion. In the face of Pakistani junta’s overt and covert conspiracy to deny the legitimate rights to the Bengalis, there was an all out pressure on Sheikh Mujib since March 1, 1971 to make the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). March 7 offered him that chance. Instead of an UDI, Mujib came out with a call “Ebarer sangram swadhinatar sangram, ebarer sangram muktir sangram……” He refused to take questions from press and left the stage as quickly as he came, leaving the audience disappointed, perplexed and totally confused.

Awami pundits argued that Sheikh Mujib refrained from making the UDI after watching the Pakistani fighter planes hovering above. It made little sense. According to eye witness accounts, Mujib came prepared what he wanted to say at the race course gathering. He even said to have ended his speech with ‘Pakistan Zindabad’ along with ‘Joy Bangla’. Later, however, the former slogan was removed from the tape. Would the Pakistanis dare to make a British style Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Dhaka at that stage? I don’t think so.

(On April 13, 1919 the British Indian Army, under the command of Brigadier Reginald Dyer opened fire and emptied all its ammunition on an unarmed gathering of men, women and children at Jallianwalla Bagh in Amritsar. Official account put the casualties at 1526 in the 10-minute havoc, leaving a deep impact on the course of independence struggle in India.)

Other pundits tried to explain that his March 7 speech itself was the UDI, and he did not have to make a separate one on the night of March 25/26, 1971, in an effort to undermine the declaration of independence Major Ziaur Rahman made at Kalurghat radio station, Chittagong on March 27, 1971. Was it not then strange that Sheikh Mujib went to negotiate with the Pakistani leaders from March 15 to 24, 1971 to chalk out the future of Pakistan? He even retorted to the inquisitive reporters as late as on the morning of March 25 that he was not a fool to continue the dialogue if there was no progress. (Please see Ittefaq, Pakistan Observer and other dailies of March 26, 27, 1971). Little did he know that President Yahya and his cohorts had already left Dhaka, leaving instructions to start Operation Searchlight aimed at annihilating the Bengalis. The same night, he was flown to Karachi, his family remaining in safe custody of the Pakistan military. Apparently, Sheikh Hasina was a happy young girl then; she conceived Joy around that time.

Mujib Warned of Pakistani Crackdown Plan
According to a source, Captain Amin Ahmed Chowdhury (now retired Major General) brought a message from Lt Col M R Chowdhury, Major Ziaur Rahman, Captain Rafiqul Islam and others in Chittagong to convey to the top political leadership that Pakistanis were planning a crackdown on the Bengalis soon and they sought advice. Upon receipt of the message through Col M A G Osmani on March 17, 1971, the Sheikh ignored the warning and continued his dealings with the Pakistanis.

As such, following questions do arise in the minds of common people:

• Sheikh Mujib had the opportunity to make UDI on March 7, 1971, but he did not.

• Sheikh Mujib went on to negotiate on March 15 with the Pakistani junta to save Pakistan, having earlier said ‘ebarer sangram swadhinatar sangram……….’

• Sheikh Mujib was warned of the Pakistan military build up in East Pakistan and their evil designs by the Bengalis elements in the military, as well as then top student leaders, yet he preferred to continue dialogue to maintain Pakistan’s unity.

• Ominous landings of planes and ships loaded with troops and armaments in East Pakistan were no secret. How come a seasoned politician like Sheikh Mujibur Rahman failed to visualize the game plan the Pakistani generals were preparing, unless he was a party to it himself?

• When the crackdown started, he was advised by others to leave his residence and go hiding. He preferred to stay and subsequently surrendered to the military on the night of March 25, 1971. His family was allowed to stay at his residence in safe military custody.

• A close associate of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman once said, “Sheikh Saheb loved to be arrested. It made him martyr and popular, at the same time staying away from the flashpoints of trouble.” (Also see “Witness to Surrender” by Siddiq Salek testifying Sheikh Mujib’s several requests to the military authorities in March 1971 to be taken to custody.)

• What was Sheikh Mujib woking on—an autonomous East Pakistan or an independent Bangladesh?

Yet, when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned to independent Bangladesh from Pakistani custody on January 10, 1972, he was the most loved person in the country. As one espousing flattery, he was slowly shelved into a cocoon of sycophants and drawn away from the people who once prayed for his welfare and fasted for his recovery from surgery. The common man felt betrayed, and the reasons are not far to seek. Let us revisit the following:

Rakkhi Bahini
This draconian force, created at the advice of India and under the personal control of Sheikh Mujib, was extensively used to eliminate any political opposition to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his administration. Anyone not towing the official line was either thrown in the prison or eliminated. According to various estimates about 40,000 political adversaries were killed during the Mujib rule. In an apparent admission to the crime, Sheikh Mujib bragged on the parliament floor, “Kothay akhon Siraj Sikdar (where is Siraj Sikdar now)?” He was referring to the popular leftist leader who was killed in police custody. Sufferers still shudder at the thought of the atrocities committed by the Rakkhi Bahini. That was the golden rule!

Man-made Famine
Almost half a million people perished in the man-made famine of 1974-75. There was no dearth of relief materials but those did not reach the needy. They were kept hoarded by then ruling circle and were dispensed on political expediency or sold in the black market. Struggles between humans and animals for eatables in the waste were common sight in the cities. At night, most part of Dhaka city was carpeted by emaciated destitute, with connected social vices. Dead bodies were deprived of the minimal burial rites. At the same time, people witnessed the royal style weddings and birthday ceremonies at the Gonobhaban, the official residence of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. (Please see NY Times of December 13 and 24, 1974). That was the administrative efficiency!

Emergency
Not being able to cope with the growing opposition to his rule, Sheikh Mujib clamped emergency in December 1974. Fundamental rights were suspended, political activities totally banned, all but 4 government controlled newspapers closed. That was the freedom!

4th Amendment/Presidential Rule
In January 1975, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman made himself the President, changing the constitution through 4th amendment in just 20 minutes without any debate. He thus amassed all state powers to himself, making him the unchallenged dictator. That was the democracy!

BAKSAL/One-Party Dictatorship
In early 1975, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman formed Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, virtually an extension of his ruling Awami League. All other political parties were banned and people were forced to join the BAKSAL. For the first time, members of the military and bureaucracy were politicized by allowing them to join the new party. 61 BAKSAL governors with party officials were to be installed in the districts on September 1, 1975 with a view to running the country in a Russian commissar style. That was the dream people fought and gave blood for!

People Sought Relief

It was a suffocating situation in the country and people wanted relief, and the soonest before it was too late. They looked towards the patriotic elements of the military, which could not ignore their call and a need for national survival. The military response came in the form of the August 15, 1975 REVOLUTION.

It was regrettable that a few persons on both sides including, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, died in the pre-dawn short military action on the day. I am, however, not aware of the circumstances under which those casualties took place. At the same time, one may comprehend that casualties in such an action of historic proportion could not be unexpected. According to a foreign judge, the death of 22 persons on August 15, 1975 outweighed the benefit the coup brought to the nation where political killings and extra judicial deaths were routine. The 22 deaths perhaps stopped deaths of thousands that would have been committed had there not been August 15, 1975.

Public Jubilation
The August 15 action was hailed by the entire nation, locally and outside. There were jubilant processions all over the country, even ignoring the curfew at the time, Shukrana prayers were offered and sweets were distributed in happiness. People said ‘Al-hamdulillah’, not ‘Innalillah’. International community, including major powers and India, recognized the new government immediately.

These are no fictional stories. If one visits the newspaper archives and opens the pages of issues of the time, one will find the truth and much more.

On August 15 this year, when the senior Awami leaders and their followers will shed crocodile tears for the man-god they are trying to make of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, I would like to ask the following questions to them:

• Why did they fail to protests the ‘killing’ of Sheikh Mujibur Rahamn at that time?

• Why did the army, navy, airforce, BDR, police and Rakkhi Bahini fail to counterattack and crush the coup leaders, if the coup was perpetrated by a ‘few disgruntled officers’ as the court opined?

• Why did the chiefs of army, navy, air force, BDR, police and Rakkhi Bahini rush to the new president on the morning of August 15, 1971 to express their support to the coup and publicly announce their allegiance to his administration?

• Wasn’t the new cabinet of President Khandakar Mushataque Ahmed formed entirely of the Awami League members of parliament?

• Why none of the coup leaders took any leadership position in the new administration or sought elevation in ranks even though they had the chance to do so?

Appeal to the Nation
Before you evaluate the coup of August 15, 1975, please walk back the memory lane to the early period of Bangladesh and visualize if it saved the nation from the heavy hands of a repressive regime or it betrayed the national aspiration. In fact, the August 15, 1975 action bailed the nation out of a virtual collapse and retrieved democracy from the evils a one-party dictatorship.

If Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is determined to avenge the death of her father, no logic will deter her. But she, or anybody for that matter, can not call the coup leaders ‘killers’. They will remain ‘Surja Santans’ of the nation, even if they are taken to the gallows. History will recognize their contribution. And at that moment, Honorable Judges, will you be able to give back their heads? Will you then be prepared to take responsibility for the miscarriage of justice and be condemned in history?

If Hasina hangs the Surja Santans, she could not do it in isolation. The whole military and all the law enforcing agencies, and in fact the entire nation that supported the coup on August 15, 1975 should be taken to the gallows.

As we are mourning or celebrating the August 15 this year, we need to walk back to the period of 1972-1975 of Bangladesh and judge Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, his deeds and fallacies. And then see why August 15, 1975 was called for.

Author: A O Chowdhury NY, USA

Posted by admin on August 15, 2009 under Bangladesh

Break-up of India: The Only Regional Solution

Almost coinciding with the 13th round of Sino-Indian border talks (New Delhi, August 7-8, 2009), an article (in the Chinese language) has appeared in China captioned ‘If China takes a little action, the so-called Great Indian Federation can be broken up’ (Zhong Guo Zhan Lue Gang, www.iiss.cn, Chinese, August 8, 2009).

Interestingly, it has been reproduced in several other strategic and military Web sites of the country and by all means, targets the domestic audience. The authoritative host site is located in Beijing and is the new edition of one, which so far represented the China International Institute for Strategic Studies (www.chinaiiss.org).

Claiming that Beijing’s ‘China-Centric’ Asian strategy, provides for splitting India, the writer of the article, Zhan Lue (strategy), has found that New Delhi’s corresponding ‘India-Centric’ policy in Asia, is in reality a ‘Hindustan centric’ one. Stating that on the other hand ‘local centres’ exist in several of the country’s provinces (excepting for the UP and certain northern regions), Zhan Lue has felt that in the face of such local characteristics, the ’so-called’ Indian nation cannot be considered as one having existed in history.

According to the article, if India today relies on any thing for unity, it is the Hindu religion. The partition of the country was based on religion. Stating that today nation states are the main current in the world, it has said that India could only be termed now as a ‘Hindu religious state’. Adding that Hinduism is a decadent religion as it allows caste exploitation and is unhelpful to the country’s modernisation, it described the Indian government as one in a dilemma with regard to eradication of the caste system as it realises that the process to do away with castes may shake the foundation of the consciousness of the Indian nation.

The writer has argued that in view of the above, China in its own interest and the progress of Asia, should join forces with different nationalities like the Assamese, Tamils, and Kashmiris and support the latter in establishing independent nation-States of their own, out of India. In particular, the ULFA (United Liberation Front of Asom) in Assam, a territory neighboring China, can be helped by China so that Assam realises its national independence.

The article has also felt that for Bangladesh, the biggest threat is from India, which wants to develop a great Indian Federation extending from Afghanistan to Myanmar. India is also targeting China with support to Vietnam’s efforts to occupy Nansha (Spratly) group of islands in South China Sea.

Hence the need for China’s consolidation of its alliance with Bangladesh, a country with which the US and Japan are also improving their relations to counter China.

It has pointed out that China can give political support to Bangladesh enabling the latter to encourage ethnic Bengalis in India to get rid of Indian control and unite with Bangladesh as one Bengali nation; if the same is not possible, creation of at least another free Bengali nation state as a friendly neighbour of Bangladesh, would be desirable, for the purpose of weakening India’s expansion and threat aimed at forming a ‘unified South Asia’.

The punch line in the article has been that to split India, China can bring into its fold countries like Pakistan, Nepal and Bhutan, support ULFA in attaining its goal for Assam’s independence, back aspirations of Indian nationalities like the Tamils and Nagas, encourage Bangladesh to give a push to the independence of West Bengal and lastly recover the 90,000 sq km territory in southern Tibet.

Wishing for India’s break-up into 20 to 30 nation-States like in Europe, the article has concluded by saying that if the consciousness of nationalities in India could be aroused, social reforms in South Asia can be achieved, the caste system can be eradicated and the region can march along the road of prosperity.

The Chinese article in question will certainly outrage readers in India. Its suggestion that China can follow a strategy to dismember India, a country always with a tradition of unity in diversity, is atrocious, to say the least. The write-up could not have been published without the permission of the Chinese authorities, but it is sure that Beijing will wash its hands out of this if the matter is taken up with it by New Delhi.

It has generally been seen that China is speaking in two voices — its diplomatic interlocutors have always shown understanding during their dealings with their Indian counterparts, but its selected media is pouring venom on India in their reporting. Which one to believe is a question confronting the public opinion and even policy makers in India.

In any case, an approach of panic towards such outbursts will be a mistake, but also ignoring them will prove to be costly for India.

Author: David Miller Smith
Courtesy: Pakistan Daily

Posted by admin on August 11, 2009 under South Asia

China should break up India into 20-30 states: Chinese strategist

In an article likely to raise Indian hackles, a Chinese strategist contends that Beijing should break up India into 20-30 independent states with the help of ‘friendly countries’ like Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan.

The publication of the article nearly coincided with the 13th round of India-China border talks that ended in New Delhi Saturday on a positive note, with Beijing emphasizing the need to build strategic trust and elevate strategic partnership to a new level to include coordination on global issues.

Written in Chinese, the article, ‘If China takes a little action, the so-called Great Indian Federation can be broken up,’ is published in the new edition of the website of the China International Institute for Strategic Studies (CIISS), an influential think tank that advises Beijing on global and strategic issues.

According to D.S. Rajan, director of the Chennai Centre for China Studies, Chennai, Zhan Lue, the author of the article, argues that the ’so-called’ Indian nation cannot be considered as one having existed in history as it relies primarily on Hindu religion for unity.

The article says that India could only be termed a ‘Hindu religious state’ that is based on caste exploitation and which is coming in the way of modernisation.

The writer goes on to argue that with these caste cleavages in mind, China in its own interest and the progress of whole of Asia should join forces with ‘different nationalities’ like Assamese, Tamils and Kashmiris and support them in establishing independent nation states of their own.

In particular, the article asks Beijing to support the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), a militant separatist group in the Indian northeast, to it achieve independence for Assam from India.

Furthermore, the article suggests that China can give political support to Bangladesh to encourage ethnic Bengalis in India get rid of ‘Indian control’ and unite with Bangladesh as one Bengali nation.

If this is not possible, the creation of at least another free Bengali nation state as a friendly neighbour of Bangladesh would be desirable for the purpose of weakening India’s expansion and threat aimed at forming a ‘unified South Asia’, the article argues.

The article recommends India’s break up into 20-30 nation-states like in Europe and contends that if the consciousness of ‘nationalities’ in India could be aroused, social reforms in South Asia can be achieved, the caste system can be eradicated and the region can march towards prosperity.

The Chinese strategist suggests that to split India, China can seek support of friendly countries including Pakistan, Nepal and Bhutan.

China should encourage Bangladesh to give a push to the independence of West Bengal and recover the 90,000 sq km territory in Arunachal Pradesh, which China calls Southern Tibet, says Rajan who has analysed the article for the Chennai-based think tank.

‘The write-up could not have been published without the permission of the Chinese authorities, but it is sure that Beijing will wash its hands out of this if the matter is taken up by New Delhi,’ says Rajan.

‘It has generally been seen that China is speaking in two voices - its diplomatic interlocutors have always shown understanding in their dealings with their Indian counterparts, but its media is pouring venom on India,’ says Rajan.

Which one to believe is a question confronting the public opinion and even policy makers in India, Rajan says, adding that ignoring such an article will ‘prove to be costly’ for India.

Courtesy: Indo Asian News Service

Source: http://in.news.yahoo.com/43/20090810/812/tnl-china-should-break-up-india-into-20.html

Posted by admin on August 11, 2009 under South Asia

Democracy Failing as Vengeance and Fascism are in Action

Murals or democracy in danger
As the breaking down into pieces of particular murals of the political stalwarts of the BNP, particularly of the late President Zia, go on somewhat discretely done though at dead of night but quite understandably by the top boss of the Awami League Government of Bangladesh since almost the day one of 2009, democracy conscious men and women of the country can only despair for democracy in danger, if not completely failing at this moment. The untoward actions do not only portray evils of shear vengeance and fascism but also threatens the country in the matter of worthwhile future of democracy, much less smooth onward march of democracy in Bangladesh.

People for democracy
The people of Bangladesh in the past had enough of fascism for vengeance in politics. In the election of December 2008 election people pinned their high hopes for end of those vices and for unfettered freedom and liberty of all good and law-abiding citizens. In Bengali phrase, we have the maxim, DUSTER DAMAN SHISTER PALON, or in English ‘containing the naughty and nurturing the good ones’. One must wonder if the murals broken into pieces had at all been anything good while the other mural of the other leader is kept intact as before.

Vengeance against murals
The murals happened to be lifeless objects engraved on other structures incapable of doing anything by themselves. Even so, why the particular one was crushed into rubbles and removed from their places, in fact, government structures built earlier at public cost by the government of another persuasion? Thus in essence, it is clear that the seating government of the Awami League is intolerant of things done earlier by the BNP government of Bangladesh. Whatever may be the explanation of BNP’s founder Zia’s mural removal by the Awami League government, and, in fact, no explanation is publicly given, it cannot be taken as tolerance that democratic norm would demand. Or in other words, the attitude is intolerant and so tends to fascism.

Fascists from the start

Though the Awami League is a political party that claims to have a life of six decades, which is not wholly untrue, but despite the fact that their leaders almost all through out publicly made all shows of democratic in rhetoric, but hardly behaved so in practice. Many of their leaders in 1950s and 1960s faced fascist treatments particularly from the leader whom the present government has been putting on as a god of the land. Some of those who faced humiliation happened even the number one and founder of the Awami (Muslim) League Maolana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Shamsul Haq, the founder General Secretary. Bhashani survived in politics though by forming another party, the National Awami Party (NAP), but Shamsul Haq despite being a more capable and brilliant one had a tragic end first being imprisoned through conspiracy and in the machination his wife another brilliant scholar Afia Khatun and two of their young children were forced to leave the country for USA. Although Haq after years was freed from prison sometime in mid 1950s, according to some reliable eyewitness like scholar Professor Dr. Ashraf Siddiqee, he was almost a ‘mad begging at the Nazimuddin Road’ Dhaka, and died as a non-entity in politics and having had no means for basic survival.

Fascist of 1960s
Soon after passing away of Huseyn Shahid Sohrawardy in 1963 in Beirut hotel in a mysterious way, abler leaders like Abdus Salam Khan, Ataur Rahman Khan, Amena Begum etc. had all been shunted out of the party in 1960s for the leader himself to take absolute and dictatorial control of the party that naturally set fascism seriously on and signaled end of democracy. The Pakistan central government army rule one after another first of the dictator Ayub Khan and then of Yahya Khan made the new hero of East Pakistan and of independent Bangladesh in 1971. Naturally and obviously the leader became unrivalled, on the one hand, and the obvious death of democracy, on the other.

Dictator toppled painfully
For restoring democracy in independent Bangladesh, the dictator and the fascist had to be removed from State power, though somewhat painfully through a patriotic army coup in mid August 1975. For little over three decades since then, people enjoyed pluralism and multi-party democracy.

Fascist Dictator of 2009
Now that since the start of the 2009 the second generation of the fascist and dictatorial Awami League has taken on Bangladesh with absolute majority, the trend appears clear not only of fascists and dictatorial but also of shear vengeance against all imaginary opponents. The removal of the much more abler lots like Tofael Ahmad, Amir Hossain, Abdur Razzk, Abdul Jalil and Suranjit from the party Presidium and also from the executive committee constituted in late July 2009 at the sole wish of the top leader is a clear vindication that vengeance and fascism have already had their safe way onward for driving the last nails into the coffin of democracy from the internal party structure just as a prelude to abandon pluralism and open democracy in the politics of the country.

Vengeance and reprisal

It may be worth mentioning that the second generation Prime Minster now in office as she told to the former and retired BBC reporter Mr. Serajur Rahman in early 1980s, ‘I hated politics but for taking revenge of my father’s blood, I have taken on to politics of Bangladesh’. That the people have been painfully experiencing day in and day out the news almost everyday that the imaginary opponents in politics are being continually attacked, tortured inhumanly and killed by the fascist bullies of the party in power of Bangladesh. The breaking of the murals is just one of manifestation of the fascist vengeance of undemocratic attitudes of the powerful lots. None believes that the most powerful one having support base of the overwhelming majority in the parliament has no active hands in all these evil actions of vengeance, fascism and undemocratic postures.

It is thus quite likely that democracy might end in fiasco in Bangladesh sooner than latter just as it had brutal death in early 1975 at the hands of the first generation of the second generation now in State power.

Author: Dr. M.T. Hussain

Posted by admin on August 8, 2009 under Bangladesh

Darkness to light to Darkness Again

KODOMBUCHI
A self-respecting and democratic minded journalist has of late rightly made some objection (and so he reported and published in a daily on the 1st August, 09) to some newly appointed ministers of the Bangladesh Government kissed in token the feet (so called KODOMBUCHI) of the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina as soon they were inducted into the ministry and took oath of office at the Bangabhaban on the 31st July.

Neither Islamic nor democratic

Though such token showing of reverence and allegiance by kissing or touching feet among a section of the Bangladesh community is somewhat normal and usual as a historic tradition of the particular religious community not Muslims, and later on intruded unfortunately somewhat differently though as KURNISH during the Mughals and then into the so-called elite Muslim families as the evil of KODOMBUCHI in this subcontinent, the matter is well taken as un-Islamic in the strictly religious norms. Thus there is aversion for it among the followers of TAWHEED or pure monotheist Muslims in strict terms as a continued follow-up from the days of the Great Prophet Islam. There was from the very beginning saying SALAM, embracing between same sex person and rubbing cheeks and also kissing opposite side of palm between the same sex persons are some form of the Islamic ways of showing mutual respect between persons or reverence to certain person considered spiritually elevated. There was nothing in prevalent like indignity of kissing or touching feet of any leader, never of the Great Prophet of Islam by any of his followers, not even by any of his even younger family members in his lifetime. During the period of one and a half millennium the Prophet’s grave is strictly protected from any such SHIRK of the kind in question for TAWHEED to be carefully preserved from any adulteration or pollution.

Elevated to feudal
I recall here with awe I had one experience with the father of the present PM. In mid 1972 I had to lead a deputation to him at his residence at the historic 32 in Dhanmondi. Myself and another executive of the organization, not all of about few dozen teachers, we represented were allowed into his ground floor drawing room. After waiting for a few minutes we saw him came down, and asked us standing not seating what did we want from him, the PM. of Bangladesh. On our brief presentation, he gave us a short and simple reply not enough to our satisfaction, and so we waited there standing if he would say something more concrete for us and acceptable to us. In the mean time, one older man (about 50 or so and I was then 35) entered there and right then fell down on his feet, doing KODOMBUCHI for apparently showing respect and offer allegiance. Seeing the posture of both, I felt embarrassed. But the leader looked very pleased with that man almost of his age. Later on, I knew that he would expect whoever would come to see him must fell down on his feet just like the oppressive landlords of the region used to do during the colonial period from the serfs and oppressed poor tenants. In retrospect, I fail to appreciate this kind of feudal mentality from any citizen, much less a leader, of any free country because his ancestors were not any feudal but humbly literate marginal farmers of remote rural Tungipara. His father (known to be foster one and not biological) Sheikh Lutfur Rahman, being humbly educated, in fact, worked in his early youth as a MUHURI (record keeper) of a lawyer Chandi Das in Kolkata in early 1920s.

Darkness of BAKSAL

It is well known that the dark days of the father’s rule was brought to an end through a violent sniper action or Putsch in three and a half years not for anybody’s fancy but for rescuing the nation from the dark and anti-democratic oppressive lone man lone party BAKSALite rule. Then onwards for over three decades the country is run through enlightened pluralism, freedom and multiparty democracy. But the countless evil omens of the last seven months have naturally made things so vicious that a feeling has grown among enlightened circle that the dark days of 1972-75 have already set on. The Sangsad or the Parliament looks like a rubber stamp that London based octogenarian journalist Serajur Rahman termed quite rightly as HUQQAH HUA (foxes barking in chorus following one of them first made the baking), the administration has already been fully tamed down to toe the narrow line of the Awami League party in power caring little for the nation or higher humane values, the judiciary is being threatened and unduly interfered with, persons kissing feet for proving full personal allegiance to the top person irrespective of proven essential basic qualities and expertise of such persons concerned. All these are quite symptomatic of the ominous signals for onward march to absolute dictatorship of the BAKSAL of the fallen father.

Democracy for dignity

Democracy and democratic values essentially mean basic issues like human dignity, equality in the eye of law, rule of law, personal freedom of various genres that provide security to life, ensure liberty and freedom for pursuit of happiness. The end of democratic society must aim to achieve all these personal freedoms for all citizens and with equity. Possibly the KODUMBUCHI culture does in no way fit into the democratic norms but to backward looking dark feudal outlook of the BAKSAL. That unfortunately we had the darkness in early 1970s for three and a half years and very luckily that ended in people’s jubilation in mid August 1975 for all to enjoy the bright shining light of pluralism and democracy to flourish and that all sensible person here would deeply abhor to go back to those dark days of unenlightened feudalism that the KODOMBUCHI culture at the State level has been signaling as a vicious horror to all freedom loving people of Bangladesh.

British Parliament

Bangladesh and so also the countries of the Indian subcontinent accepted the tradition, values and norms of the British Parliamentary Democracy. The British Prime Minister is the leader of the House among equals and not any of unequal, much less revered as anything godly or tyrant feudal that the KODOMBUCHI culture means in Bangladesh context.

The noted journalist has thus rightly sensed the looming darkness and has clearly put his dissent on the record with contempt.

Author: Dr. M.T. Hussain

Posted by admin on August 4, 2009 under Bangladesh