Untold Facts

August 15 in Perspective

Bangladesh Awami League and its followers observed the Mourning day on August 15 this year with the aura and fanfare never seen before. Arches with the inscription ‘kando bangali kando’ (cry Bengalis cry) seen everywhere while Sheikh Mujib’s edited version of March 7 speech was continually playing to deafening sounds. Electronic and print media was abuzz with stories of Sheikh Mujib as if to indicate that God made only one worthy man in this land. Cries for hanging the ‘killers’ of Sheikh Mujib was louder than ever.

To keep the heat on, the Supreme Court has fixed October 5, 2009 to start hearing of the appeals submitted by a few accused in the trial of the murder of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The appealing accuseds are rotting in the Dhaka jail for over 13 years.

It was, however, difficult to gauge how much of that showcase was real and how much to please the power that be. Vast majority of these very people welcomed the August 15, 1975 political change and few felt the necessity to even utter ‘Innalillah……when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman died. They did not protest, nor did they arrange a token resistance against the killing of their ‘man-god’ of today—not then, not in the next 20 plus years.

It reminds me of the story of Rip Van Winkle who was in deep slumber and found everything new and changed when he woke up 20 years later. The neo-RVWs of Bangladesh discovered that there was no history, no geography, no policy, no administration, no legislature (even though AL was represented in it) and no law for 26 years (21 plus 5 of BNP-Jamaat’s rule). They only saw the golden periods of Awami rule in 1972-75 and 1996-2001. And today, they think they carry the mandate, with 48% managed votes, to change and re-write everything. They have a handy parliament with brute majority and a sympathetic, if not partisan, legal machinery to follow through.

Backtrack

From 1975 to 1996, the day passed without much fanfare. Sheikh Hasina Wazed, the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and her Awami League never included the issue of the ‘trial’ for the ‘killing’ of Mujib in any of their election agendas. Nevertheless, after Sheikh Hasina became PM in 1996 with a helping hand from former dictator Ershad, she declared August 15 the Mourning Day and initiated the ‘trial of the murder’ of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the constitutional Indemnity Act 1975 notwithstanding. 11 former army officers are facing gallows as a result of that trial.

When BNP led 4-party alliance formed government in 2001, the Mourning Day was cancelled. We came to learn that the day is also the birthday of Begum Khaleda Zia, Chairperson of BNP. The AL led 14-party Mohajote was installed to authority through a managed election by a Gang of Four (Moeen-Fakhuddin-Shamsul Huda-Mashud) and the day became Mourning Day again. At the same time, the Supreme Court ordered that the declaration of independence made by Major Ziaur Rahman in Chittagong on March 27, 1971 and heard by millions was invalid. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman should have that credit whether he declared or not.

The late politician Khan Ataur Rahman said that August 15, 1975 was a Day of Deliverance. Noted historian Prof. K Ali agreed. He said in his book ‘Bangladesh: A New Nation’, “Friday the 15th of August (1975) was in fact a day of deliverance for the people of Bangladesh since it signaled the end of an unpopular, weak and client regime which proved itself a great failure to guide the destiny of the nation towards its cherished goal.”

Renewed Bangabandhuization

The ball of a renewed “Bangabandhuization” was set in motion by our ‘patriot’ and self promoted general from day one of 1/11. He did not miss a chance to publicly voice his admiration of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and preference for the party (AL) he founded, ignoring military codes of conduct. The media, for whatever reason, have been having field days on the theme too, receiving booster shots from time to time from the authority that be. Hardly a day passed when the Awami League and its media empire did not have anything to crow about Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Great. The AL and its supporters are in a hurry to establish the ‘name, fame and image’ of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in a way that future administrations do not dare to change.

It is not to undermine the importance of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Undoubtedly, he was one of the great leaders this land had produced. But, I am not sure how far it can be justified to give him the title “Sharbakaler Sharbosreshtho Bangali” based on a localized and selected group survey? (Remember how Sheikh Mujib received the title “Bangabandhu”? Ask Tofail Ahmed, one time stalwart of the AL). What about Subhas Bose, Maulana Bhasani, A K Fazlul Haq, Suhrawardy, Tajuddin, Ziaur Rahman and others? Have we evaluated them in correct perspective, stepping outside the partisan box? History and geography of this subcontinent would perhaps have been different if Subhas Bose did not meet his fate in the air accident in1945, or if Sher-e-Banla’s “Independent States” in the Pakistan Resolution in 1940 was not changed for the convenience of non-Bengali Muslim leaders in India. If our leaders were united behind Bhasani’s “As-Salamualikum” program since 1957, and if Suhrawardy’s Assam-Bengal formula was successful, there would have been a different fate for the Bengalis. History can not also ignore the leadership provided by Tajuddin Ahmed during our difficult liberation war and the importance of the declaration of independence made by Ziaur Rahman on March 27, 1971, either in his own name or in the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Few leaders in history could command so much love and respect as he did on January 10, 1972, the day he returned to independent Bangladesh from Pakistani custody. People of Bangladesh prayed and fasted when he went abroad for treatment. They accepted when he said that he would not be able to give them anything for 3 years. Then why Sheikh Mujib failed to deliver what he had been promising to the people all these years?

Bangladesh had plentiful of international goodwill and support from the start of its independence war. Support of the Bengalis and non-Bengalis abroad, particularly in the UK was overwhelming. Though the US was hobnobbing with Pakistan in 1971, its people in general extended support and raised fund for Bangladesh.

K Ali gave Sheikh Mujib a few credits, particularly in the diplomatic arena. By 1974, 131 countries recognized Bangladesh, it became member of the Commonwealth, non-aligned group of countries, the Organization of Islamic Conference and the United Nations. Constitution was framed within the shortest possible time and election was held under the new constitution in early 1973. It had its own airlines, shipping corporation, seaports and waterways were cleared of the junks and debris within a year. K Ali says, “The beginning was not bad. The people were also ready to allow him more time considering the hard fact that it was not an easy task to build a war-torn country.”

However, for the people it was a never ending wait. Months and years went by, yet no succor came, nor rescue extended. They were sinking deeper and deeper in the gutter of abyss.

The Period of 1972-75

Bangladesh had experienced one of the worst floods in 1974, followed by a widespread famine. There was no dearth of relief materials, even from Saudi Arabia and China who did not recognize Bangladesh until after August 15, 1975. These relief materials did not reach the needy. They were used for political purpose or sold in the black markets, some even across the border. Half a million people died in that ‘man-made famine’, as termed by Nobel laureate Amartya Sen and others.

Those who lived in Bangladesh then can recall the scenario vividly–the influx of a sea of creatures called human being that carpeted the city of Dhaka at night, begged door to door for a scoop of rice waste (Bhater Mar) and struggled with dogs for eatables in the garbage at day times.

The common man still shudder at the thought of the killing and atrocities committed by the Rakkhi Bahini. ASM Abdur Rob claimed that over 40 thousand of his workers were killed by the Awami Baksali forces. According to the late Enayetullah Khan of Holiday, 35 thousand political opponents were eliminated during Sheikh Mujib’s time. Dr. Aftab Ahmed of Dhaka University said in a seminar that nearly 42,000 political activists killed and about 86,000 jailed between 1972 to 1975 (The Daily Star Nov 1998). Sheikh Mujib himself bragged in the Parliament, “Kothay akhon Siraj Sikdar (Where do you think Siraj Sikdar is now)?” in an apparent admission to the killing.

These are no stories or inventions. Please dig into the archives of the Haq Katha of Maulana Bhasani, the weekly Holiday, the Jonkantha and a few others, who dared to publish some filtered news of the miseries and sufferings of the common people of the time. Those who have access to foreign media can open the pages of NY Times of December13, 24, 1974 and January 26, 1975, as well as the Washington Post of November 8, 1974. Many other international electronic and print media would have sufficient material to prove that I was not talking of myths.

K Ali says, “The independence which came through tears, toil and blood seemed to the people sour, distasteful and useless.” He further added, Sheikh Mujib’s “failure to solve the problems gave rise to a sense of frustration in his mind. People also began to doubt his ability and sincerity. For the first time Sheikh Mujib became self-centered. The educated section knew the real merit of Sheikh Mujib………..love for power has made Sheikh Mujib a different man.”

Noted Indian journalist and writer Kuswant Singh wrote in the Illustrated Weekly of India, “In 1970 he was the most-loved man by his people and million of others in India and elsewhere. Within a couple of years he had lost much of his charisma and lived in a cocoon of self-spun esteem. He came to regard honest critics as traitors and sycophants as loyal friends. It was a classic case of folio de grandeur. He was blissfully unaware that the very people who called him ‘Bangabandhu’ or ‘Bangapita’ to his face were behind his back called him ‘Banga-Shatru’”.

Could a Massacre be Avoided?

Some people tried to justify that March 7 speech was good enough an independence declaration of Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujib and he did not have to give a separate one on March 25, 1971. But on a closer look, “Ebarer sangram muktir sangram, ebarer sangram swadhinatar sangram” was not a declaration of independence. If that was the declaration of independence, why would Mujib go to negotiate with the Pakistani leaders from March 15-24, 1971? There was no room to deal with them after what Mujib expounded on March 7. The plane and ship loads of troops and weapons landing at Bangladesh airport and seaports were no secret. Bengali officers in Chittagong warned Sheikh Mujib of the ominous developments and an ensuing plan to annihilate the Bengalis. Yet, he went on with the parlay at Bangabhaban with Yahya-Bhutto gang. This gives many to believe that either Sheikh Mujib was not ready for the independence or he did not want the independence at all; he was rather fighting for the autonomy of East Pakistan.

A right decision at right moment could perhaps save the Bengalis from a wholesale massacre on March 25, 1971 and afterwards.

Missteps?

When things were going out of control, Mujib clamped emergency in 1974, under which fundamental rights were suspended, all but 4 government controlled newspapers were closed and political activities banned.

In January 1975, Shiekh Mujib made himself president, amending the constitution to a presidential form in a few minutes without allowing any discussion or dissenting vote.

Immediately afterwards, he re-designated Awami League as Bangladesh Krisak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL) and banned all other political parties. In this Soviet-China style one-party system, military and bureaucracy were formally politicized by asking them to join the BAKSAL.

The country was divided into 61 districts with BAKSAL appointed governors and political secretaries in each. They were to take post on September 1, 1975.

Again to quote K Ali on Sheikh Mujib, “He was out and out a despotic ruler and snatched away fundamental rights of the people by introducing absolute dictatorship under one-party system—-there was hardly any doubt that the measure (one-party rule) was taken only to establish his permanent rule in the country without any opposition.”

In an article “Repeal of Indemnity (Act 1975)—in Whose Interest” published in the Daily Inquilab on November 1, 1991, M M Aziz briefly detailed the background of August 15, 1975 coup, as well as what would have been the likely scenario in the country had there not been August 15 action. According to him, groaning under a suffocating situation people desperately wanted a change and August 15 coup was the only way possible to bail the nation out under the existing situation.

Re-investigate August 15, 1975

Awami League MP Sheikh Selim recently called for a full investigation into the murder of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He particularly blamed then army chief Safiullah, deputy chief Ziaur Rahman, army chief of general staff Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf and Dhaka brigade commander Colonel Shafaat Jamil for their complicity in the coup of August 15, 1975.

I think it was a right call and the August 15, 1975 coup should be re-investigated and the nation be told of the correct picture of the time and responsibility should be apportioned to all concerned, including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, if any.

Author: AO Chowdhury NY, USA