Untold Facts

Hasina’s Foolishness Making Mujib a Liar

A report published in a Dhaka daily on the 8th March quoted Hasina that she knew about her father Mujib’s plotting to secede East Pakistan even in 1969. She claimed to have listen to Mujib’s conversation with some close associates in London Hasina visited her father there coming down from Italy where she had been staying with her newly wed husband.

It’s true that there had been secessionist forces in East Pakistan, though an insignificant group among the well known NEHRU AIDED PARTY since the day one of the 14th August 1947, the day Pakistan was founded. They were those who did not reconcile to East Bengal with capital Dhaka to develop and move forward on its own outside the domination of Calcutta elite and also the vested interest groups particularly fattened during the British colonial period being their puppets. Some self styled communists as well joined them who despised Muslim nationhood of the Muslim League and yet curiously had all love for caste ridden Indian Hindu nationalism in the KAUTILYA-CHANAKYAS frame. But Mujib was hardly with them but due to his low IQ got used at times, for example, Jyoti Sen Gupta, an Indian Intelligence operative stationed in East Bengal in1950s as the PTI reporter in his book Freedom Movement of Bangladesh (1973) had some facts about Mujib being used by them. That did in no way make him any hero of secession of East Pakistan.

Suhrawardy had been Mujib’s sustainer in Calcutta with paltry payment of dole money. Sohrawardy was a 100% Pakistani and never in his life thought of secession of East Pakistan. On the contrary he seriously objected and very strongly took on any who would even utter anything about the secession.

Suhrawardy had poor opinion about Mujib not about patriotism of Pakistan but about his innate capability or low perception level. That is why he, at times in close circle, introduced Mujib as the ‘ILLITERATE GRADUATE’. He would further hold the clear opinion about Mujib’s useful role as a party worker and never ever in his life time as top party leader. I may recall here one incident. I had from Barisal an Accountant friend now dead few years ago in London. Once in 1956 when Sohrawrady was the Prime Minister of Pakistan, came to Dhaka and staying at the Abdul Ghani Road Old Circuit House, he went for a visit with the P.M. as they were known in Calcutta days in early 1940s. Soon Mujib arrived there. On Mujib’s sight, Azizul Haq exclaimed, ‘Here is the leader Sheikh Mujib to follow your footstep at your exit.’ Suhrawardy retorted spontaneously, ‘If he (Mujib) becomes the leader of the country any time, he will first destroy the country and then he will destroy himself, as well’. I had this comment in London and wrote a long article about the comment published in 1989 in different media at home and abroad, and the item was included in my book Patriot Traitor Question: Bangladesh Syndrome (2005), now out of stock but available in a London based website (WWW.firozmahboobkamal.com).
Keen observers must notice that how Mujib becoming the leader of Bangladesh through both foolish commissions and careless omissions had had not only took the country to the brink of destruction but also so much so that his own decorated freedom fighters of the highest order took arms on the 15th August 1975 to topple him from the power and saved the country from the octopus of total Indian hegemony and Soviet Socialist Imperialism ( See, Holiday’s founding Editor, AZM Enayetullah Khan’s article in post mortem of Mujib’s fall in August 1975: Bangladesh Bahattor Theke Pochattor - Collection of published items, Jatiya Mudran, Dhaka, 1980, PP.678-86). It may be useless to repeat the well known facts that Mujib in three and a half years of his absolute rule of Bangladesh killed open or multi-party democracy, imposed lone party BKSAL having no clear consent of the people, made Bangladesh the haven for his party hoodlums and looters to earn quick fortune through all encompassing corruption and misappropriation of people’s properties, unleashed reign of terror of the police and special but unconstitutional Rakhsmi Bahini raising as parallel of the regular armed force by planning to phase out the regular army, torturing, maiming and killing of the imaginary opponents of the top leader and of the party Awami League/BKSAL. That was why the then unknown Cols and Majors of the successful coup were profusely welcomed by the people. All government organs as well laid their allegiance and support for the coup and the subsequent government of Khondoker Moustaque. At the international level none condemned the coup; India tried to exert some pressure but not for anything else except that the ISLAMIC REPUBLIC declaration by the coup operators be abandoned and revert back to the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh. President Moustaque yielded to this pressure not voluntarily but for fear of all out attack in land, Air and Sea by the Indian Army under Indira Gandhi, the Indian P.M. and the 1971 war hero. The immediate recognition of the coup, the new government by the big world powers including China and Saudi Arabia got things go ahead more or less smoothly. The counter coup attempt of Khaled Mosharraf, in particular, made after about seven weeks, was foiled easily by the army and people because the whole people were for the 15th August change. Anyway these were after developments, and nothing to do with secession but fall out of secession that Suhrawardy and Mujib did not wish to have for the people of East Pakistan for self dignity, honor and prestige (See, Suhrawardy’s letter written to President General Ayub Khan in 1962 during his confinement in the Karachi prison in M.H R. Talukder, Memoirs of Huseyn Shahid Suhrawardy, UPL, Dhaka, 1987, PP.217-24). Mujib as well as a loyal devotee of Sohrawardy did not intend to have secession but autonomy under the framework of 6 Point formula. If he had at all talked about secession that had nothing been serious about but by the by. The proofs are many.

Had Mujib wished to have secession, the 7th March 1971 had been the best opportunity for him. He had then lakhs of people attending the Suhrawardy Uddyan (then Ramna Race Course) meeting ready to march towards the Governor House and Dhaka Cantonment to get the secession realized that day. But Mujib ended his 15 minutes or so fiery speech there with all fury and fires but signifying nothing for secession and independence, amazingly declaring there in some fury EBARER SANGRAM AMADER SWADHINATAR SANGRAM EBARER SANGRAM AMADER MUKTIR SANGRAM. Nothing of UDI came out of his mouth. Instead he ended his fiery speech abruptly voicing JOY BANGLA along with JIE PAKISTAN. He had certainly then in mind that he had prior understanding with Pakistani Army General President Yahya for power sharing with him, he remaining as the President and himself the ‘Future Prime Minister of Pakistan’ just as Yahya had promised in open and Mujib got pleased. That prior understanding Mujib developed in various channels not only after Yahya took over from Ayub Khan in March 1969 but also before (See, Sarder M. Choudhry, The Ultimate Crime, Lahore, 1999, P. 98) was not anything secret. What made the failure at the last moment and the Amy brutal action on the 25th March midnight in Dhaka followed by Mujib’s voluntary surrender to the army remained a mystery as yet having had no single opinion but different explanations here and there.

During the farcical trial of Mujib for treason in 1971, Mujib had all along through his eminent lawyer A K Brohi stood by his commitment for the unity and integrity of Pakistan. During the 1971 war of India-Pakistan Mujib offered through same Brohi seeking a favor from Yahya Khan to appeal through Pakistan media to the people of East Pakistan against Indian aggression (See, Impact International, London, September 25, 1987, p.19).

Mujib denied his being secessionist. Instead he rebuked all retorting seriously that ‘majorities’ (East Pakistanis) can not be secessionist. He ridiculed the Agartala Conspiracy Case in this respect as the Islamabad Conspiracy.

Let one not forget that in independent Bangladesh he was put to a position of fait accompli. He had nothing to do what happened in 9 months, according to Mujib, of ‘civil war’, much less, again in his term, of ‘Indian aggression’ was concerned. That is why he got the Indian P.M. Indira taken by surprise in putting pressure to withdraw Indian troops from Bangladesh in March 1972. Otherwise she had no intention to withdraw her occupation army quite late until how long difficult to say now.

If one would look into the detailed discussion of Mujib with US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger held at Dhaka on the 30th October 1974, after about three years of Bangladesh’s independence and two and a half years of Indian army withdrawal, he repeatedly tried to impress on Henry Kissinger about India’s aggressive and hegemonic role against Bangladesh since, in his terms, sending in the ‘Aggression Army’ in the ‘Civil War’ (See, weekly Holiday, Dhaka, March 6, 2009 lifted from the 14th February 2009 declassified US State Department document).

Mujib distanced gradually in independent Bangladesh from the Exile Government’s Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmad since the day one after his return on the 10th January 1972 from Pakistan’s detention in 1971. Mujib rebuked Tajuddin for dismemberment of Pakistan, ‘TAJUDDIN SHESH PARJNTYA TOMRA PAKISTAN BHENGHE DILE’- Tajuddin, at last, you all have dismembered Pakistan, just was kept on record in verbatim at the Tegaon Airport Tarmac on the 10th January while leaning on shoulders of Tajuddin and Moustaque he was coming out towards exit, the verbatim picked up so by the then student leader also innovator of JOY BANGLA slogan in late 1960s Aftab Ahmad, assassinated a few years ago in his DU Professor’s flat. I came to know him first in London in early 1980s where he was doing his Ph.D. In independent Bangladesh he joined the politics of JSD as opposition to the Awami League government and edited the daily GONOKANTHO. I had contact with him until his tragic passing away.

Tajuddin soon not only met sack from the ministry but also ended up in imprisonment by Mujib. The displeasure of Mujib had two main reasons, one, defiance of Mujib’s wish and going for secession, and two, his over enthusiasm for Soviet Socialism. His brother Minister Afsar Uddin met displeasure of Hasina in the 1996-2001 term of her P.M. Lately Tajuddin’s son Sohel met the same tragic fate and has been living in the USA, more or less as a self exile M.P. of the party.
If one would go back to the 25th March 1971, Mujib not only refused to go underground with Tajuddin despite serious request by him to do so to lead the freedom movement but asked him the last man Tajuddin who left that night at about 11 P.M. to keep the 27th March Hartal enforced. He surrendered voluntarily to the federal army for probable two reasons, one, he was not any revolutionary believing in underground work, and two, he had prior understanding with Yahya as recently the octogenarian journalist Serajur Rahman had mentioned to size up the ‘hot headed’ few of the party and I also knew the same matter from a 1971 Malek Government Minister later on for him to be able to run Pakistan as the P.M. with ease and Yahya as the continuing President.

Mujib before his release from Pakistan custody on the 8th January 1972 promised to President Bhutto for a confederation of Bangladesh and Pakistan (See, Stanley Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, 1993, OUP, Delhi, P.175). On his chat at the London Claridges Hotel the same evening or early next morning he hinted at to the British Journalist Anthony Mascarenhas for the same confederation. On the 9th Morning he hinted at the same proposition to BBC journalist Serajur Rahman who disagreed with him as he wrote in a recent article.

On arriving Dhaka and addressing the huge gathering on the 10th January evening he, at one point, paused a question, ‘BHUTTO SAHEB BOLLEN AMADER EKTA SHAMPARKO THAKTE HOBE’- Bhutto told me that we should have a relation. He stopped for a moment. The audience shouted ‘NO NO’. He then continued, ‘NA BHUTTO SAHEB NA’- no Mr. Bhutto, no. Why did he mention the question there in the public meeting? Psychologists must inquire into depth about the intents and wishes of the speaker.

Shall I mention at the end about a curious issue not probed in depth so far. Mujib not only humiliated and punished Tajuddin in all forms, the prime architect of independence war of 1971, but also never cared to visit the capital of the 1971 Exile Government of Tajuddin Mujibnagar just about 300 KM north west of the capital in thee and half years of his stay in power! Why?

The facts mentioned in brief above, if studied in consonance of his past close association with Suhrawardy and the Calcutta days in 1940s there is every possibility to conclude that he had never wished to have secession, much less planned for independence of Bangladesh from the Pakistan framework. His joining in the OIC in Lahore in early 1974 despite Indira’s open displeasure may be a point additional in this issue for useful investigation.

Hasina has to deliberate dispassionately, if she has at all ability and mental power, on these points before labeling Mujib as the secessionist, not to speak of anything Mujib had done in declaring independence of Bangladesh at any time in 1971 in any form - verbal, signal or written. Or else, she would only be telling white lies projecting Mujib as well as a liar, her father she loves or pretends to love so much.

One may however argue that lying is nothing uncommon nature of politicians. For liars like Hasina as many renowned intellectuals like Badruddin Umar, Serajur Rahman, Emajuddin Ahmd, etc. have proved in various print media lately, the matter is very much usual as long as such falsehood suits her personal whims and ego for Machiavellian immoral power game and also of her mentors like intelligence organizations of India, the R&AW and of Israel, the MOSSAD.

May I end the item here just making a simple reference of Hasina’s sort of habitual white lying that the former Chief Justice and the Acting President Shahabuddin Ahmad, in a rejoinder to a harsh statement Hasina openly made terming that rather very soberly as ‘irresponsible remarks’ published under four column broad headline soon after her party’s defeat Hasina blamed on the Acting President in the 2001 October election, published on the 5th January 2002 in the Dhaka daily Independent that read in extended words, “Downright lies and baseless charges”.. The details are not important as the intelligent ones must grasp the essence from the headline.

Author: HB Khair

Sheikh Mujib’s March 7, 1971 Speech

On March 7, 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman gave his 17-minute landmark speech at the Suhrawardy Uddyan where he said, among other things, “Ebarer sangram amader muktir sagram, ebarer sangram amader swadhinatar sangram…….(our struggle this time is for our emancipation, our fight this time is for our independence).”

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said in a discussion on the day that her father did not make the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) on that day because it would have then been considered a ‘separationist’ move and the world would reject it. In a talk show Awami League (AL) stalwart Tofail Ahmed expounded similar philosophy, further adding that Sheikh Mujib used to tell him and others in private in those days, “You go ahead with your preparations for the independence war while I am playing a wait-and-see game with the Pakistani leaders.” Recalling the day, elderly journalist ABM Musa said on the same talk show that one could measure the depth of ocean but not the depth of wisdom and understanding of Bangabandhu. There perhaps were plenty such eulogy sessions on the occasion; I did not have the opportunity to read, hear or watch them all. Let us walk back the memory lane and study a little of the scenario prevailing at that time.

After Sheikh Mujib’s AL won victory in the December 1970 elections, it was expected that an East Pakistani leader would form the government in Islamabad. Bengalis of East Pakistan were looking forward for redemption of their sufferings and deprivation of the preceeding 24 years under West Pakistani rulers. However, that was not to be. The parliamentary session to be held in Dhaka on March 3, 1971 was cancelled on March 1, thanks to power hungry Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and a conniving military junta. AL immediately called an all out hartal (strike) in East Pakistan. A rally was called at Suhrawardy Uddyan on March 7. Student leaders and radical factions of the AL put pressure on Mujib to declare the UDI as East Pakistan could no longer stay united with Pakistan. In the AL parliamentary meeting on March 6, most members including Tajuddin Ahmed, the Secretary General of the party, demanded an immediate UDI, further warning that the Bengalis would have to pay a heavy price later otherwise. However, the final decision was left to Mujib. The general expectation was that Mujib would make the UDI on March 7. Accordingly, people in hundreds and thousands thronged at the Suhrawardy Uddyan next day with sticks in hand to symbolize the start of the war of independence.

According to “Wintness to Surrender” by Siddiq Salek, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman sent two emissaries around midnight on March 6 to Major General Khadem Hossain Raja, the General Officer Commanding in Dhaka, requesting to be taken to custody as he was finding difficulty to contain the party hardliners demanding an immediate UDI. General Raja dismissed the idea straightway. By arresting Mujib at that point of time, he did not want to make a martyr of him and open fresh floodgate of violence in East Pakistan. The same source also revealed that in the morning on March 7, Mujib had a telephone talk with the US Ambassador Joseph Farland who advised not to count on the US if Mujib did the much expected UDI.

At the Suhrawardy Uddyan, Mujib came in a hurry, delivered his 17-minute speech in which he made a 4-point demand and ended it with “Joy Bangla, Joy Pakistan.” He left the podium in equal haste, without answering questions from the press and leaving the audience utterly disappointed and in total confusion.

Tofail and many other Awami pundits theorized that if Mujib made the UDI on that day, Pakistanis would have killed lacs of people on the spot by air strafing. Such an attack was militarily untenable. With the available air capability in East Pakistan at that time, such wholesale air attack was impracticable and illigical. Limited or symbolic strafing could have caused some casualties but that loss would have been much fewer than what Pakistanis did on March 25. Besides, Pakistan would not dare to commit a Jalianwala Bagh type massacre in Dhaka on that day to signal the end of Pakistan then and there. They were not militarily strong enough to face the wrath of the Bengalis as a consequence. So the theory of air or ground attack on Bengalis following an UDI on March 7 does not hold good. The reality was that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was not willing to make an UDI, for whatever reasons. He had been fighting for the autonomy of East Pakistan on the basis of his 6 points and was working with the Pakistani junta to be the next Prime Minister of Pakistan.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman with aides went on to negotiate with Pakistani leaders on March 15-24 to decide the future constitution and leadership of Pakistan. What about his declaration of “Ebarer sangram swadhinatar sangram……etc then?” According to Tofail, Mujib was playing a waiting game with the Pakistanis during those days. Are you kidding? How? By allowing the junta to amass military power in East Pakistan on a daily basis aimed at conducting an obvious genocide? Why did Mujib not demand the junta during talks for an immediate halt to militarizing East Pakistan? He was rather giving daily press briefings until March 25 that the talks were ‘fruitful.’ Is that the depth of Mujb’s political wisdom and understanding? Please visit the newspaper archives for details.

Sheikh Hasina said that Mujib was waiting for the right moment to declare the UDI. In other words, Sheikh Mujib waited for the Pakistanis to attack first so that he could sell his independence of Bangladesh to external world. It also implied that Mujib allowed Pakistanis to bring in enough troops and armaments to East Pakistan so that they made their killings and he could seek external assistance on those millions of dead. What a leader! What wisdom!

Author: Obaid Chowdhury
NY, USA

Hasina’s Rise to the Peak for only to Fall Down to Hell

Hasina had risen to her peak on the 27-28th January midnight. She had kept on and cramming for the moment since back 35 years. She had, as is clearly seen, the sadist endless pleasure at her success to reach the peak of attainment in this mundane world in her verbatim in Bengali, “PITRI HOTYAR PROTISHODH NEAR JONOYI AMI RAJNITITE ESHECHI”- I took to active politics for the lone objective to take the revenge of my father’s blood (daily Nayadiganta, Dhaka, 24 March 2009). Or else she hated politics and would not take up the Awami League leadership while in exile in India under the full surveillance of the Indian Intelligence service or R&AW men for nearly six years from late August 1975 to mid May 1981. That achievement was not mean one but took her to the peak.

What next of the peak? It must obviously be the fall to low for there is no scope to rise further of the peak but to the lowest down to hell.

All sane people and also legal norms clearly hold that the five brilliant and highly patriotic army men she maneuvered through executive interference to hang to death on the blackest night happened to be the MUSLIM IMANDERS of the first order comparable to the great SUFIs of Islam. For example, IMAM ABU HANIFA, IMAM AHMAD IBNE HAMBLE, etc of the early days of Muslim oppressive rulers, who refused to compromise with the ill governance, abuse of power and injustice and hence suffered for opposing the so-called Muslim Abbassid Caliphs Mansur, Mamun, etc. Similarly, the equally determined Muslim believers FAROOK, SHAHREER, HUDA, MOHIUDDIN, AK MOHIUDDIN etc, brought downfall of the oppressive Bangladesh ruler of the late twentieth century on the 15th August 1975 at Dhaka. They did the noble task through a successful army coup for the operators happened to be serving army men and had legal back up and immunity even in present day legal provisions. Hasina abused each and every power at her disposal as the P.M. and got a Political Trial (The Economist, 27 November 2009) verdict in clear mockery of justice of the Kangaroo Court and hanged them to death.

Let there be no confuse on that the Abbaside caliphs of the 8th/9th centuries had not been as debauch as the Bangladesh Faraoh had been. The Caliphs had few lapses that the great Imams opposed and got punishment. The Faraoh here had little of virtue but almost all vices both mundane and in intellectual matters. The Faraoh was an absolute dictator, cared nothing for opinion of others, inefficient and yet bonanza for corruption, got killed by his own hoodlums and RAKHSMIs anybody he would consider his enemy without recourse to due process of law, internally behaved like a demi-god and yet submit as sacrificial lamb in facing up to the outside big bosses (See 30th October 1974 dialogue with the then US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger published in the weekly Holiday, 6 March 2009). It was as such only fitting and right in all measures to have removed him from State power through the coup engineered by the great Mujaheeds of Islam. Extremely vengeful Hasina took the matter only out of personal vengeance and score to settle in blood for blood rising to her height of the peak of sadist pleasure, her haven. Now she is to go down in the hell ready for her.

All sensible men and women have termed the execution of the five on the darkest night of January 27-28 in Dhaka as the worst form of judicial murder. Judicial murder has other examples in the subcontinent in recent history. The execution of deposed Pakistan President Zulfiquer Ali Bhutto in 1979 was one such. Unfortunately, the vengeful executer President Ziaul Haq ended up in tragic end, the clues remained in dark as yet. The example among other things clearly states that political trial and judicial murder motivated by political vendetta does not end in itself but leaves scopes for chain reactions. Zia’s mysterious accidental air crush death and fall from the pinnacle of power in 1988 opened fortune for Benazir Bhutto, Zulfi Bhutto’s daughter, who returned home from exile, her party PPP contested and won the general election. She became the first young woman Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in her mid thirties.

Author: B K Din

Toothless Clawless Spineless Bosses in Ivory Towers of Bangladesh

In a go on the ACC’s toothless and clawless pinch the spineless High Court Bench judges has dismissed 3 anti corruption cases filed years ago against the seating P.M. Sheikh Hasina on the 4th March. Her other ten cases are in all likely face the same fate in favor not because the cases had been all concocted but they are unsustainable against the all powerful woman having much more sharp biting teeth and claws. Her father had 14 but all were lost in the Jalao Porao or arson and burning in late 1960s.

Historically Hasina’s father happened to be the hero made mainly through profusely covered Calcutta based media propaganda but ended in fiasco in independent Bangladesh on the 15th August 1975 amidst all abuses for him, not least the appellation of Faraoh drowned in the Egyptian river Nile in pre-historic period. His fall was not without good many reasons but for oppressing the people, killing democracy, imposing one party absolute dictatorial rule of the BKSAL, extra judicial killing of thousands of imaginary political opponents, endless corruption causing deaths of thousands if not lakhs in man made famine (See Amartya Sen), etc. The people at one stage made him the leader and hero and yet again in all hurled abuses so much so that none recited the DOA, INNA LILLAH that every Muslim would obviously recite on hearing any Muslim’s death news.

In legal term the 15th August 1975 was clearly a mutiny and not any ordinary killing in terms of Cr. P.C. and so was supposed to enjoy indemnity. Hasina made the incident a murder case and abusing all power at her disposal as the P.M. during the first term and in 2009 onwards tamed the spineless judges the loyal puppets to obtain the verdict of ‘murder’ and license to execute the five detained in the prison to death on the blackest night of 27-28 January 2010. The same brand of spineless judges upheld the annulment of the 5th Amendment of the Constitution. What else the other bench could do except dismissal of 3 corruption cases against Hasina in a go? After all she is an angel! The rest ten cases of corruption against her would wither away soon in the same way.

I would have thought that if there is any seriousness and honesty by any involved in the matter in fixing up corruption earnings by stalwarts like Hasina, etc. there is a way out. Properties of the greater Sheikh family have to be taken honest account of. Hasina’s properties in cash and kind at home and abroad must take stock of through international intelligence agencies and qualified and honest farms of repute and integrity.

In 1971, the family of the great Sheikh was known to survive on a monthly donation of Taka ten thousand paid regularly by Pakistani capitalist Harun. That meant that Mujib had nothing of his own in cash for subsistence of the small family of four members- Hasina’s mother, her sister Rehana, Hasina herself and the youngest brother Russel. In fact, her father survived in early life from subsistence dole paid by Sohrawardy in Calcutta. He had neither any regularly paid job nor any income from paternal property. His foster father Sheikh Lutfar Rahman was a Mohrar/ record Supplier and lastly Peshkar, in all positions a very poorly paid lower class employee. Mujib had nothing from maternal grandfather side for his mother gave his birth as an unwed Hindu girl and then given to marriage by the girl’s father Chandi Das, a lawyer, to Sheikh Lutfar Rahman, who was then working as the Mohrar under him when the biological father Lawyer Arun Chakravarty refused to marry Gourbala Devi (Balaka), the mother. Through an affidavit No.118 dated 10.11.1923 at a Calcutta Magistrate Court Sheikh Lutfar Rahman adopted the three year old boy as his son and gave him the name Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (See, Jiban Smriti, Dhaka, 2006, P.643- author’s name not disclosed for security reasons).

Cleansing of the top politicians from corruption to me must be the first priority. Unless and until these big shots of the ivory towers are cleansed, there is hardly any hope for growing fresh biting teeth and claws for firm grip of the ACC, much less make spines of the judges stronger and unbreakable for administering justice fair, neutral and free from interference.
What must be needed further to do is to incorporate morality building curriculum in school reading materials and efficient implementation of such curriculum at all levels.

Author: BK Din

Image Rebuilding Digital Way!

P.M. Sheikh Hasina’s son, Sajeeb Wazed Joy, a new entrant in active Awami League politics of Bangladesh, has frankly admitted that overall Bangladesh image abroad is murky and poor. And so he is going to launch something in his term ‘Nation Brand’, possibly, using her mother’s bandwagon of digital technology, that would project and promote the existing poor image of the country better abroad. The project is appreciable and worth of a young person trained in the USA in IT. But there would come up not only many relevant questions but ifs and buts, as well.

In terms of population size of nearly 160 million now and increasing at still quite fast at about 2% Bangladesh is the 8th largest country in the world. But in geographical area it is one of the smallest land mass areas among 200 or so independent countries. That it is the densest populated country, on the one hand, and extreme resource constraint, on the other. Over and above, natural occurrence of disasters for geographical and environmental vulnerability, man made disasters caused by inefficient administration, biting corruption at all levels, low per man hour output in almost all productive sectors due to low level of human development index and manpower expertise are some common but major hindrances to productivity and pace of development. In the backdrop of the real position, how much any new technology, much less sophisticated digital, could work efficiently here remains to be seen. The poor state of educational curriculum implementation, if not the poorly organized curriculum itself having low level of inbuilt motivation for essentially needed deep concentration for efficient learning, as the present positions in general are in schools, colleges and other institutions, even the technological ones, except rare ones for particular upper class wards, is factual reality.
Owing to the hindrances just mentioned above, the factor of grinding poverty of the overwhelming majority people, 50% having as low as only one US dollar a day average income among nearly 40 million unemployed working age population among 90 million or so employable age group made things further difficult internally that made image abroad not palatable. In the Middle East that employ nearly 7 million Bangladeshi workers (another 12-15 million in all other countries), mainly low paid laborers, the term ‘Miskeen’ or destitute is a common derogatory label used for Bangladeshis and workers, in particular. How would and through what detailed programs the digital ‘Nation Brand’ work to hide the poor-murky stature?

In midst of grinding poverty there are some billionaires and millionaires in thousands. Differences in income gap between the rich and upper classes and the poor destitute have been widening everyday further worsening the existing image. Whether the on going free market operation of economy in mixed up with massive corruption well sponsored and supported by the political government in power could minimize income disparity for improved equity in the immediate future looks only an illusion.
In the deliberation Joy made on the subject in a function held at the Novo Theatre (Dhaka) on the 6th March underscored the need for ‘stability’, ‘continuity’ and ‘commitment’ (The New Nation, Dhaka, March 7) to do the job he has in view. Well, there is nothing to disagree about. But there is, at least, a big but there. The issue must be about which stability, which continuity and what commitment.
The Constitution and the people of Bangladesh are committed to continuity of democracy not absolutism, stability through democratic order not dynastic nuisance, commitment for openness, fairness, equity and social justice and not for making ‘some are more equal than others’. Unfortunately these basic issues are rarely found in Awami League parlance except in rhetoric not in actions. In the past there had been no difference in lacking of the party in all these basic requirements for national progress and positive development as they are now going on exactly in the same pattern only for conspicuous self aggrandizement. People had experienced with extreme pain that the Awami League/BKSAL flouted all those civilized democratic norms in the past before 1975 as they have been equally painfully experiencing them now, as well. What they did in the past further for the so-called stability and continuity was in fact continuity of one man rule proceeding openly to reach dynastic aim. As for commitment, fortune making of the party cadres and of the clans had been the sole matter in their administration. Nothing is seen different as at present except commitment for rent seeking, tender snatching, commission earning not only by the young cadres but also by the ‘Big, Medium and Small Thieves’ just as one Minister has had openly admitted in a meeting in Mymensigh only a few days ago. Would the Nation Brand propaganda items be able to hide these criminals to the backbone and their heinous activities beating the outside world media in dissemination of facts otherwise?

In 1972 in a discourse, I had a comment from the then Finance Minister Tajuddin Ahmad, ‘We are suffering seriously from crisis of conscience and character’. He said so not in a big gathering but in a selected one and fortunately saved his neck right then but not removal from the cabinet post and then ended up in prison soon afterwards. The erosion of moral values of the so called and sham secularists is no better now but I am afraid to say that the situation has worsened further beginning in 2009. Digital IT is no cure in this serious disease of moral erosion but different psychological medicine that need to be met by nourishment from early childhood in the psyche and so may be built in on to one’s grown up mature personality. I am afraid, as a septuagenarian educationist, I see here serious lapses in the curriculum and implementation on this account.
Even so, let’s say good luck to Joy. Go ahead with the digital Nation Brand.

Author: HB Khair

In Praise of Sheikh Hasina’s BDR Crisis Management

In a Darbar (meeting) at the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) Headquarters at Peelkhana, Dhaka on March 3, 2010, its Director General Major General (DG) Moinul Islam said that Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s handling of the BDR crises last year was the correct one. Thus, Hasina has a new admirer of her military prowess.

Last year on February 25-26, in the worst rampage—it was not a mutiny that some experts would like to coin—in our history that started at a similar Darbar, the BDR troops brutally killed their DG Major General Shakil Ahmed and 56 other senior officers. Wives, teenage daughters of the officers and lady-guests present in the compound were not spared of their wild attacks and carnal desires.

What surprised me from the comment of the DG that for the first time, I heard a senior military officer opining that the 33-hour long dilly-dallying approach by the Prime Minister and her political cohorts was the right one. Sorry, then army chief General Moeen U Ahmed, who earned a name to be both controversial and mischievous, was another exception.

So far, all military officers and defense experts, including Hasina’s Mohajote partner General H M Ershad, have said that the whole BDR crisis could have been sorted out within half an hour through swift military action, aided by equivocal para-droppings. Bangladesh army and air force had that capability. Pro-government elements and some pseudo experts differed on the ground that military action would have widened the crisis to the extent of a civil war and generated more fatalities. The army could have effectively sealed Peelkhana, thought located in a built-up area, within an hour or so and there was no scope of escaping by the culprits or widening the crisis. According to various reports, the DG was killed around 9 am on February 25 and the killing-raping spree, followed by an orgy of mutilating the dead bodies, continued for the next two days unchallenged. So, how the fatalities could go beyond perhaps a few if a swift military action for 30 minutes to an hour was taken, given the time and space? My plain belief was that it was a military crisis and it should have been handled militarily. On the same thumb rule, I believe political crisis needed political solution—-military solution could only be sought when all political avenues were exhausted.

Following the BDR crisis, three known Inquiry Commissions were formed. The military and the bureaucratic inquires were completed long time ago but their reports were never revealed in full to the public. The administrative investigation under a ‘recalled from retirement’ police officer, who is said to be a relative of the Prime Minister, was still going until the last report. Meanwhile, a number of detailed, full-throttle findings with ample and seemingly credible supportive evidences found their way in the press. Many bigwigs were named in those reports. As usually, the Awamis and their supporters have since been crying foul on those revelations. “Its all BNP/Jamaat and Pakistan’s INS propaganda,” they crowed.

Without pointing finger to any direction, I like to say, why the government does not challenge those revealing facts that have specific names, places, times and other minute details and come out clean. It is the public demand; they want the facts and the truth in the BDR carnage. They want to know why BDR witnesses were killed in the name of ‘heart attacks’ while in custody. Doling out charity to the victims’ family is not enough; people have the right to know the long and ugly hands, if any, of those that worked to disable Bangladesh’s border guards, and by extension, its military.

Author: Obaid Chowdhury
New York, USA

Pakistan Phobia and Bashing after 40 Years!

A few vocal among a limited circle but covered sufficiently in media in Dhaka remain unimpressed though in overwhelmingly majority people’s psyche what I see is the Pakistan phobia and bashing. The pitch goes high at times in obvious information gaps of and propaganda galore around, particularly among those new progeny of around forty years or below that have been on and on trumpeted during the last 40 years. Lately when such phobia is in the air bashing Pakistan in half truths made here in Dhaka by the successors of NEHRU AIDED PARTY their real present master of Delhi has begged to Riadh for Pakistan’s kindness! Monmohon Singh, the Indian Prime Minister, visiting Riadh for three days lately has literally begged to Saudi Arabia, as reports of the Times of India on the 28th February 2010 and BBC Bengali News in the morning of 1st March (Dhaka time), etc. for Saudi close friend Pakistan to be kind to India to ‘act decisively against terrorism’.

Pakistan is not a big but much smaller country than India in all respects from land area to population size to economy and in terms of anything that matters except possibly the nuclear deterrent. In addition, Pakistan has her own internal security problems of terrorism engineered by the Indian intelligence operatives, the R&AW and of the Israeli MOSSAD. Even so, she has the strength of being Muslim nation as the Saudis are holding guardianship of the two Muslim holy places and so spiritual love and allegiance that all in composite spirit have given the biggest source of power and deep relations with all Muslim countries, with Saudi Arabia since the day one in 1947, in particular.
In 2010 Bangladesh and Pakistan are two sovereign countries on their own rights, No matter the countries remained as one before 1971 in federal structure distanced geographically one thousand miles for only 23/24 years until the 1971 war between in the last century, and once mutual recognitions accorded in 1974 and acrimonies sorted out at the topmost level through ‘forgive and forget’, Bangladesh as a Muslim majority country owes love and mutual respect with all Muslim countries. People of Bangladesh have little grievances against Pakistan but a lot with India in their random border killings, difficulties made in enclaves, land boundary unsettled, maritime boundary pending demarcation for decades, South Talpatti of Bangladesh in adverse possession of India, unusually excess and unnatural water withdrawal at upstream by India in all major rivers, etc just as Pakistan has with India, the Jammu and Kashmir issue outstanding for over six decades now, and recent excess water withdrawal by India at the up streams of the common rivers.

India’s complain is that Pakistan based ‘terrorists’ create terror attacks in India. Delhi further means that ‘terrorists’ include those in freedom struggle of Jammu and Kashmir, as well. Taken this blame game as it appears, can’t any sensible person raise the question that who are the sponsors of the Maoists and Naxals now creating havoc up in the areas north of West Bengal down in the south to Andhra in 20 provinces- 220 districts-with money, arms and logistics? Are the ULFAs, BODOs, MIZOs of the Indian North East all sponsored by Pakistan? All these groups claim that they are not terrorists but genuine freedom fighters just as the people of Jammu and Kashmir are. The issue of Jammu and Kashmir is much more genuine and legal as the case has been pending at the UN since 1948. But India calls the Jammu and Kashmir freedom fighters as ‘terrorists’ and arrogantly blames Pakistan for sponsoring them. The known brand of the NEHRU men here in Dhaka with some labels and little or no followers here while as ever ready for bashing Pakistan, they were never seen or heard supporting the cause of the Kashmiris freedom struggle. The issue is important and crucial for the sovereignty of Bangladesh for the fact that the basic issue of independence of Bangladesh and Jamuu & Kashmir rests on the same premise, that is, the 1947 partition of British India. Not only this. Pakistan was more of the creation of the people of Bangladesh than of the people who constitute now the State of Pakistan. My father and grand father, I remember at my age of nine as a primary school going student of rural village in Rangpur district, voted with all enthusiasm in the 1946 historic general election for the founding of Pakistan. Unfortunately there had been no such referendum in 1970 election that ended in war, blood and misery of thousands of people though ended up in independence of Bangladesh in the land and soil of what in 1947 had come to be known as East Pakistan. Had there been no East Pakistan in 1947, there would have been no question of independent Bangladesh. Our fate would then have remained as Nehru had vision of the second class citizens of India (so long 2.4% reservation for Muslims in jobs raised recently to 10% for the 25% West Bengal Muslims, being seriously objected to by the majority people there) and at best with few positions of some clerks and peons for us in the Calcutta MAHAKARON just as Sheikh Mujib’s foster father Sheikh Lutfar Rahman had been a MOHRAR or record keeper there in early 1920s under lawyer Chandi Das ( See, Jiban Smriti, Dhaka, 2006, P.643).

There are few among those Pakistan bashers who constantly pray for the destruction of Pakistan. One I knew and died some years ago who would always cram for liquidation of Pakistan from the world map so much so that he did not wish to die until and unless Pakistan was liquidated from the map of the world as an unit independent country. But he had no clear answer to the question if once Pakistan would be liquidated from the world map, what rationale would be left for independence and sovereignty of Bangladesh except in merger and integration into the mother INDIA or into the AKHANDA BHARAT of Kautilya-Chanakya not of independent Seraj ud Dawlah or of Isa Khan, Shamsuddin Elias Shah, to name a few, much less of Ikhtiaruddin.

Pakistan bashing by any Bangladeshi only helps India and Indian hegemony hardly in the interest of free Bangladesh. But those who also dream for the ‘Indian Doctrine’ to triumph here is, albeit, their free wish, but people at large hardly share the evil idea of full Indianisation (See, Balraj Modhak, Indianization, Delhi), much less lost completely in the AKHAND BHARAT but live with dignity upholding freedom, liberty and national sovereignty in even the moth-eaten geographical area earned in 1947 through popular votes for East Pakistan, now Bangladesh.

Author: B K Din

Sheikh Mujib: Pakistan and Bangladesh

School reading materials, history books and documents are being revised and rewritten with full governmental energy and huge money from the public exchequer sponsored with renewed vigor by the all powerful Bangladesh P.M. Sheikh Hasina everything for eulogizing her late father Mujib’s credentials. In attaining the goal old materials, books, documents are being destroyed wherever they are in stock or in circulation in whatever form in Bangladesh that in her view might harm her father’s stature. The goal is very lofty in the sense that none of the present or future progeny must come across anything, any bit of information that might hurt the godly image of Hasina’s father. I am not sure if she is up to destroying all other materials that lie outside Bangladesh in documentation centers and libraries, say, in London, Washington etc. The specific aim of the project as it appeared to me is that there is none in history, much less Major Zia, anybody worth in the history of founding of BANGLADESH in 1971.

I intend to limit the item in relevant facts in the 1971 episode not beyond for in the year Bangladesh had come into being as an independent country that I had the opportunity to get a lot of experience through to the whole period staying in Dhaka and in a job teaching in a government college as a mature class one post holder.

On the 7th March 1971 Ramna Race Course mammoth meeting of the great Sheikh Mujib, I was an attendant from rather close to the rostrum the leader spoke for about 15 minutes or so. Before I went to the meeting to listen to the leader’s critical discourse, I had occasion to talk to a friend of mine, an Engineer and Contractor moneyed man by profession, financier of the Awami League and a neighbor of the leader and M.P. from Narayangnj. We made a bet. Mujib must declare independence (UDI) on the day in the meeting. I was for yes, he no. I lost the bet, he won. The leader beyond expectation of many did not make the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). He ended his speech abruptly and left the meeting right then. Many and I were at a loss what the people do next.

From the 7th evening to the 15th people passed days in suspense and rumors. On the 15th people started to see some light of hope when the Army President Yahya had arrived Dhaka from Islamabad for talks with the leader of East Pakistan. As the media reports went on day in and day out people were given understanding that ‘progress’ made in talks in groups and also in one to one dialogue. But actual happenings and developments all were kept hidden from people’s knowledge. People lived in rumors. On the 23 March, Pakistan’s official Republic Day, Mujib went to meet the President in the Mintu Road Gonobhaban in his car flying proposed flag of Bangladesh. We knew afterwards that certain students’ group overenthusiastic about independence had posted the flag in his car. That was significant on two accounts. That was the day when any leader of the united country should have flown the Pakistan flag, and so flying the proposed Bangladesh flag instead went for meeting with Pakistan President was insult to both Pakistan and the President of Pakistan. Even so, as the students had forcibly posted the flag, Mujib‘s lapse could have been overlooked.

Next two days, people were in complete dark on the 24th and 25th in all wild rumors when at mid night the people of Dhaka were taken by surprise in mortar and gun fires. I returned from the Farm Gate area Tejgaon in my self driven new Fiat car at about 11 on the 25th night, had my late meal and went to bed in some agony. Soon I wake up in midst of unusual sounds and found through my 3rd floor flat window in the Industrial area of fire of shells over flying my government residential building. Right then I got all of my five young children down to the floor lying. No shell hit my building and none near about I could see in lights of fires of the shells. But the rest of the night we heard sounds of gun fires and blaze in some locations. We heard announcement of curfew in the Dhaka city as well. On the 26th it was curfew all day. On the 27th curfew was relaxed for three hours; I had to take in my car one Hindu colleague on his request to the Kawran Bazar grocery market who alone of his own was afraid to go for shopping being a Hindu.

In about a week, in midst of rumors though, I found many thing normal. We started to attend offices but not classes. The other happenings are well recorded and known by this time that I must not dwell at here.

We knew about Mujib’s arrest and Major Zia’s name as he declared independence of Bangladesh at Kalurghat Radio sub station in Chittagong nearly 200 miles away from Dhaka. Later on we knew about formal declaration of independence of Bangladesh by some elected MNAs and M.P.s of East Pakistan/Bangladesh of Awami League in the 1970 general election based on the LFO (Legal Framework Order) promulgated by the Army President of Pakistan in mid 1970. They formed a government in exile in Calcutta, the cabinet headed by Mujib as the President of the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh. The conspicuous lapse was that those who made Mujib the President had no consent of the person, much less any written direction of Mujib. On the contrary, he had the only direction left to Secretary Tajuddin before his arrest on the midnight of 25-26th March that they must enforce the 27th March Hartal or shut down action program. Further that Zia’s declaration of independence on the 26/27 March and repeated in the name of Mujib having had no nod whatsoever of Mujib for that was Zia’s broadness, on the one hand, and no scope of any communication with the then unknown Major far away, on the other.

One may recall from available documentary evidence that soon after the Exile Government formed and sought blessings from the Indian P.M. Indira, she blasted the delegation of Tajuddin, Moustaque, Nazrul etc by posing the question on the where about the leader. She further commented, ‘How can I believe the leader/ General who after declaring war surrendered to the enemy?’ Even so, Delhi did everything possible to keep alive the Government in Exile, trained the Guerilla, armed them with weapons and ammunitions to attack installations etc in East Pakistan and ultimately made armed aggression on the 3rd December 1971. Indira, however, had her suspicion and reservations about Mujib if he was in full agreement with the Government in Exile, war and all that followed. The first test of bitterness she had with Mujib when he refused to take for his journey from London to Dhaka on board an Indian Air plane that Indira had offered and Mujib declined to accept. Instead he took a British Air Force plane to fly from London to Dhaka on the 10th January 1972. But on way to Dhaka, he made a stop over in Delhi for huge felicitation he was offered by the Delhi bosses. Al these are more or less known facts of history.

Now I would mention here some crucial facts that though got in record outside Bangladesh in London, in particular, but almost unknown and unrecorded here in any Bangladesh documents.
During his detention in West Pakistan in 1971 he was tried for treason against the State of Pakistan. His main lawyer was A K Brohi, the world renowned professional and man of highest integrity. He left some facts before his death, particularly to an Editor of a fortnightly, Impact International. During my stay in London for about eight years I got to know the editor Mr Faruqi. Brohi kept on record with him two facts. One, Mujib did believe in one and united Pakistan and was not at all for independent Bangladesh, and two, during the 1971 war Mujib offered to the President Yahya to permit him to use the Pakistan media to condemn Indian aggression on East Pakistan and to appeal to all East Pakistani to defend East Pakistan against Indian aggression (See Impact International, 25th September, 1987, .p.19). Before publishing the news as it was on request from Mr Brohi then on his last fatal medical treatment in London Mr Faruqi consulted me if he should have at all published the news as that was. On my clear nod he did.

On arriving Dhaka Tejgaon Airport on the 10th January 1972 in midst of immense pleasure of heroic welcome, while he was coming out from the Tarmac leaning on shoulders of Tajuddin and Moustaque as the then student leader Aftab Ahmad (innovator of the Joy Bangla slogan) later on Professor in DU, as he wrote in an article I came across that the leader at the Tarmac rebuked Tajuddin by name, “TAJUDDIN SHESH PARJANTYA TOMRA PAKISTAN BHENGE DILE” You, Tajuddin, at last have broken Pakistan into pieces! Aftab did not miss the rebuke though that was in low voice as he was very close to them walking down out of the Tarmac. That comment or rebuke was not palatable to young Aftab for being an active freedom fighter of 1971 war.

Later on in mid 1972 Aftab went away forming along with other dissenting lots the JSD and continued editing the daily GONOKONTHO. I came to know him not until in London doing Ph.D. in early 1980s. We had some close relation again beginning in Dhaka in 1990s that we maintained until his tragic assassination not yet probed worth of anything in his DU residence a few years ago.

Mujib’s distancing from Tajuddin within a short time was clear to all. He was not only removed from the Ministry but also ended up in prison. Mujib never in three and a half years in office cared to visit Tajuddin’s Exile Government capital Mujibnagar in Kustia. That Mujib and then Hasina as well not only dishonored Tajuddin but his younger brother Afsar Uddin in her first term (1996-2001) removing him from the Ministry unceremoniously and now Tajuddin’s son Sohel, M. P. recently blasted clearly on his leaving Bangladesh latest a few days ago. Such dishonoring the brilliant freedom fighter and pioneer of the independent Bangladesh movement in 1971 had two main reasons. Tajuddin was committed to socialist Bangladesh that Mujib distasted. The other and possibly more important issue was that the dynastic aim Mujib had and pursued determinedly now by Hasina has had no place for any contender in person, much less any other family.

Bangladesh freedom struggle and so also the Pakistan movement both had the main goals for peoples’ liberation, democratic governance, equity and social justice in sovereign identity and entity. Mujib was involved in both movements of the Bengal people, for Bangladesh as the main leader and for Pakistan as a young student worker in Calcutta. Unfortunately, despite peoples love for him and enormous sacrifices made, Mujib betrayed both, possibly, Bangladesh much more through his opportunism, recklessness of not making UDI in due time, leaving people in utter confusion of the unprepared war giving India to take full advantage of, corruption ridden administration, extra judicial killings of thousands by the unconstitutional Rakhsmi Bahini in reality controlled by the Indian R&AW, his own party men made famine deaths of thousands, if not lakhs, destroying democracy and imposition of one party rule having no mandate of the people, etc. etc. Not for all his sins but for some in total betrayal of the people, he was duly paid in his coins on the 15th August 1975. Thus he confirmed his place in historical records as the Bengal’s second Mir Zafar of the twentieth century, the first one went ahead of him nearly two hundred years ago in 1757 A.D. No amount of massive propaganda by his daughter Hasina wasting huge money from the public exchequer is going to let Muijib have a permanent bright image than that of Mir Zafar or historic national betrayer. In history, Hasina has to remain answerable for the wastage of huge public money she has been recklessly misappropriating for refurbishing the otherwise image of national betrayer since January 2009.

Author: H B Khair

Who’s not Killer? ‘KE KHUNI AR KE NOI’: ‘RAW AND HASINA’

Earlier in late1990s I used to write columns for a Bengali daily not as a professional journalist but as an aged teacher purely out of my own conscience. Hasina was there since 23 June 1996 as the top boss of the government of Bangladesh. Suddenly, she swooped on the anti-BKSAL coup leaders of historic 15th August 1975 whoever was present in the country in mid August 1996. She started to use the abusive term KHUNI or killer for those coup operators. In difference, I wrote a few articles not published only in the same daily but also some other pointing out that they were not KHUNIs but heroes of successful coup d etat of August 1975. I further continued to argue that there could have been no murder case against them on the incident of change of government was fully legal in the eye of law. She cared nothing. Instead she used her special police squad with all ruthlessness conceivable against the arrested few, even against the wife Zobaida of Col Rashid who was out of the country- she was later on freed though for mounting international pressure and left the country. Those arrested were put not only on continuing rigorous police remand, detention and ultimately filed concocted ‘Mujib murder case’ against 20 accused. As usual she continued the venom of propaganda in the spineless pliant media by constantly abusing the coup operators as KHUNI that proved her utter vengeance for those otherwise deeply patriots.

I then wrote a very straight forward item stating facts that Mujib was the much bigger KHUNI. Unfortunately, that was not published in the daily, not in any other print media. Later on, on enquiry one of the Assistant Editors told me that the Editor had just torn down the item into pieces and disposed off in the waste paper basket. I am afraid I have no copy of the item readily available. My change of residences twice in the mean time, and also passing away of my wife made all mess of old manuscripts.

Nearly after fifteen years, some of those memories started to hunt me just after reading through the facts in an article in a Dhaka daily published on the 2nd March (10) of an octogenarian expatriate journalist. Because, I found that the octogenarian and highly experienced journalist made some echo of what I had written and lost without being published anywhere. I labeled Mujib as the worst Khuni or killer in Bangladesh history. Incidentally the Octogenarian had been very close to Mujib, prompted and profusely projected him up as the big hero in late 1960s and early 1970s. I was rather taken by surprise if he could have now raised the valid question, ‘KE KHUNI AR KE NOI’ (Who is killer and who not?) in the recent past Bangladesh history of nearly 40 years. He has raised equally pertinent question about the fidelity of Hasina in regard to her involvement in murder and working as Indian Intelligence operative clearly pointing out ‘R&AW AR HASINA’ (R&AW and Hasina) working here for India against the greater interest of Bangladesh. He referred to her stay in Delhi under the surveillance of the same Indian Intelligence organization for long six years following the August coup, and got fully brain-washed.

Since Hasina has already hanged to death five of the anti-BKSAL coup leaders on the 27-28 January, the blackest night in history, through clear judicial murder following the verdict of Kangaroo Court constituted by the spineless judges despite resistance worldwide, she had gained courage in use of the term KHUNI she started as the P.M. in 1996. She had added courage for that those hanged to death happened to be former brilliant army officers and decorated freedom fighters of 1971. Possibly that is what further made her more arrogant to use the abusive term for Zia in the floor of the Parliament. former President Zia’s Opposition party BNP members protested and made a walk out from the session of the house right then in mid February (2010) and also latest on the 2nd March. Further Zia bashing has now been continuing, for example, in Hasina boastfully publicly announced changing of the name of the Dhaka international airport deleting ‘Zia’ in the appellation that stayed for 28 years to ‘Shah Jalal’, a Muslim saint of the 14th century Hindu feudal Bengal, nothing to do with politics as in the 21st century Bangladesh.

The airport was neither named by Zia himself nor by his party BNP as he had set the best examples so far in honesty, integrity and allegiance to the ideals of Islam but by President Ershad following Zia’s passing away in May 1981. Zia as the declarer of independence on the 26th/27 March 1971 when Mujib declined to make Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) and voluntarily surrendered to the federal army, but Zia showed his broadness to mention Mujib’s name in the second or third announcement, and then also he fought valiantly in the war field in 1971, mutual killings in encounter or combat were nothing uncommon for that in no way he could be labeled as KHUNI. On this account Mujib escaped war and voluntarily surrendered to the federal army on the mid night of the 25th March 1971. But before the surrender he incited his murderous followers to unleash reign of terror, particularly, on the non-Bengali population all over East Pakistan that continued until about end May 1971. The liability on this account of murder of unaccounted thousands must remain on Mujib’s shoulder.

Hasina’s persistent hatred for Zia is not only for the fact that Zia did not, in her belief, punish the coup makers to death that Hasina took as he had links with Hasina’s father Mujib’s killing in August 1975. This was not ordinary killing, he got killed in encounter in the successful mutiny of the army that despite the pliant court’s final verdict of the 27th January (2010) remained controversial worldwide as miscarriage of justice and judicial killing verdict passed by spineless judges, and so the term KHUNI Hasina used for decades was in no way neutrally, fairly and without executive interference established and so remained only mockery of justice in the matter, much less proved Zia as the KHUNI. The other and more important reason for hatred was that Zia had not only had hold on to power after her father’s demise but also provided a different and distinct direction for the nation away from Mujib’s that continues still today despite hunky panky with the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution. Here lay the crucial issue not only of Hasina’s but also of Delhi’s aversion for Zia. Here they found themselves very close and intimate for collusion against the common popular aspirations of the overwhelming majority people of Bangladesh. The issue was the changed basic principles of the Constitution from what Delhi had set in 1972 from secularism, socialism and Bengali nationalism to Absolute Faith and Trust in Allah, social justice and Bangladeshi nationalism. In 1971 for India’s involvement in the war they had clear goal, the goal the pre-1947 Indian Congress had for a Akhanda Bharat comprising the whole subcontinent that would be run, controlled and dominated by the party having the facade of secularism as Nehru had had in his view but in fact permanent subjugation of all minorities in the so-called High Caste dominated whole India. In Bengal undivided, the Chatterjees, Bannerjees, Boses, Mukerjees, etc and not Bengali Sheikhs or their genres, saddled at the Calcutta Writers’ Building now MAHAKORON would rule, Dhaka remaining at best a divisional town kept neglected as of the British period.

The post 1971 period for about the first three and a half years under Hasina’s father no matter whether wittingly or unwittingly had been yielding almost everything to Delhi and the R&AW. The change of August 1975 made a death blow to the evil FARAOH and India’s evil designs. Zia had hardly been any actor in the 15th August change but just only made a follow up of tracking in the changed direction initiated on the 15th August. Had the coup failed and Zia would not have come to the leadership, BKSAL stayed, Killer Rakhsmi Bahini made stronger and would have replaced the regular army, but Mujib’s lust for dynastic goal would have been materialized just like either Sheikh Abdullah of Jammu and Kashmir, if not like towards elimination of Lendup Darjee of Sikim.

Mujib was averse to the regular army of the country for his shallow perception. The same shallow perception goes much deeper in Hasina’s psyche in her added anger for the army ‘killed’ her father and some relations in the August coup. Thus to her the army men are KHUNI. One wonders if the same vengeful psyche had actively been in operation for the BDR Massacre of 57 brilliant army officers in two days and two dark nights last year on 25-26 February in her full knowledge and information! Such anti-national psyche not only suits her goal for renewed dynastic aim but also of India’s, Delhi’s and of the R&AW in compliance with the Israeli intelligence MOSSAD, as well.

Having these back ups why should she care for the tiny Opposition in the Parliament, much less for Zia? The pliant media are ever ready to dump all KHUNIs to the dustbin making Mujib and Hasina the angels of the nation. Unfortunately there are still some who would continue to expose them with substantive facts as I did elsewhere a few days ago. I found some additional clue in the 2nd March article, as well. That I recorded elsewhere from one of the horses mouth of 1971 Governor Malek cabinet still alive. The same was hinted in this article in sizing up some ‘HOT HEADED’ by Yahya’s troops prompted by Mujib in those dastardly days following 1971. One must wonder that was why though Yahya put him to trial for treason and verdict obtained in early August, he did not sign the file in over five months he stayed as the President until 20th December 1971. If anything of the allegation is true, Mujib can not escape the killing liability of 1971 whosoever had had committed. He can not evade the responsibility of all killings that went on before army action not only in Dhaka but also in locations in East Pakistan of non-Bengali concentrations in thousands, all remained unaccounted and no scope for enumeration in future. The extrajudicial killings of Seraj Sikder plus 40,000 remained there on record as the additional liability of Mujib.

As about Hasina, her hands are stained with blood of many unaccounted in 1996-2001 when she gave the standing order made publicly to ‘kill ten for one’ and going on again now since January 2009 by her forces of all hoodlum varieties formal and informal. She can hardly escape liability of the lives of the six dozen martyrs including 57 brilliant army officers of the 25-26 February 2009 BDR Massacre and of the 27-28 January (2010) martyrs of the five historic judicial murders, if not very soon but certainly in the future history of the nation and the country. One must wonder if this murderous woman stays there in power how many more innocent lives must she take as killer to perpetuate her dynastic aim.

Author: B K Din

Commentary: Country needs strong judges to fight corruption in high places

A Counsel of the Anti-Corruption Commission was yesterday told by a judge of a High Court Division Bench that the ACC commissioners were themselves involved in corruption in the name of inquiring corruption by others.

The terse observation came as the ACC counsel prayed for more time on Tuesday which was set for final hearing of the writ against a graft case against Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina regarding the construction of the Bangabandhu Planetorium.

His lordship told the ACC lawyer that commissioners of the anti-graft body would complain that the court was seting all accused free, and put the blame on the court Don’t they feel ashamed of making such statements, a learned judge of the High Court Bench sought to know from ACC Counsel AKM Fazlul Huq.

The High Court Division Bench comprising Justice AHM Shamsuddin Chowdhury and Justice Borhanuddin was scheduled to hear the final submission by the ACC counsel. Advocate Fazlul Huq earlier submited that he was not in a position to present his points as he could not examine papers as he got the case file only the day before.

Recently there had been a media reporting against the granting of bail to accused and convicted people from a High Court Division Bench. A section of the press also printed the portraits of the concerned justices who granted bail.

Atorney-General Mahbubey Alam asked for making public the report of a commitee on the maintenance of case records and files at High Court bench offices.

Meanwhile, the government’s delay in initiating a move for hearing in an appeal filed by a ruling party lawmaker against a High Court verdict on corruption suspects has halted trial or investigation of a total of 508 graft cases.

The Awami League lawmaker, Habibur Rahman Mollah, filed the appeal against the High Court ruling that had legalised the Anti-Corruption Commission’s proceedings against high-profile graft suspects during the Emergency. Although the High Court in its verdict delivered on November 20, 2008 cleared the way for ACC to file cases against corruption suspects, the Commission could not go ahead with the cases since the Appellate Division by an interim order had stayed the verdict upon a petition filed by the AL lawmaker, said a counsel for the Commission.

The Appellate Division on January 25, 2009 granted bail to Habib in the case in which he was arrested during the emergency. The court accepted his petition seeking leave to appeal against the High Court judgment that had declared valid a graft case against him. When asked whether the government would take immediate steps for an expeditious hearing in Habib’s case as it had halted proceedings in most of the graft cases, Atorney-General Mahbubey Alam replied, ‘It is their [ACC] responsibility to move [for the hearing].’ When asked if the Government was a party to the Habib case, Mahbub said, “yes”.

From the above facts and circumstances it should be clear that corruption cases are creating complicated situations and unbearable constraints for the lawyers as well as the judges.

If cannot he said that there is no corruption among officials of anti-corruption commission when the truth is, there is corruption in every sphere of our public life. The judges are also not so aware of the corruption in the judiciary. We appreciate the ire expressed by his Lordship Mr. Shamsuddin Chowdhury. What we want to emphasise is, by taking into consideration the entrenched corruption in the country, that our country cannot ignore corruption and establish fair justice and good governance for the general public. Those who are in public life used to feel that the law is not above them, they are above the law. Even now many of the big corrupt ones boastfully move about without caring about their convictions in corruption cases. This shows they are using the power of their black money. One could be critical about the role of the Anti-Corruption Commission but convictions were given by the courts.

His Lordship cannot also deny that politics has in general become hugely profitable and well-protected corruption business. Plundering public money of this poor country so freely with such impunity should be a mater of shame for every conscious man and woman of our country.

Only judges of strong character and huge courage can show for the corrupt ones, however influential they may be, the law is above them and everybody is not purchasable and weak when it comes to fighting corruption with people’s money.

Just because there are some corrupt ones among Anti-Corruption officials it cannot be a defence for the corruption of others before the court, specially when they have been found guilty by the court of law.

It is a big challenge for the country to fight corruption in public offices, dealing with public money.

Source: The New Nation